of representatives, in the Imperial Parliament, for the Commons of this kingdom,

Here we must throw all retrospect of the numbers representing Scotland out of the question; it muft not be argued, that because the Scotch are represented by forty-five members, the Irish ought to be contented with one hundred.-In an imperial measure of this magnitude national juftice must afcertain and establish national intereft-nay, it is for the intereft of the empire that the people of this land fhould be fatisfied not only in the general good policy of the measure, but in the liberality of all its particular branches,

The number of British reprefentatives is five hundred and fixty-eight; the number of Irish reprefentatives we shall for a moment fet down at one hundred. I can find neither liberality nor equity in that arrangement, because it is evident the weight of one hundred bears no fair proportion to five hundred and fixty-eight; and by confequence their influence in the Imperial Parliament could not even form a check to any measure that might be thought to militate against the intereft of this country. If you fatisfy the people in the point of. representation, a point abfolutely neceffary for the preservation of their legitimate rights, even party must abandon its clamour and oppofition, because the people will then feel their intereft is fecured.Now, one hundred members could make no stand in favour of this country against five hundred and fixty-eight, even fuppofing-(what never can hap

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pen) every Irish member to be directed in his public conduct by a confcientious discharge of his delegated duty-how then, is the proportion to be ftruck?-be cautious-this is the political wheel on which the imperial machine must move forward with ease, or be retarded in its progress! Is Great Britain fuperior in population and fuperior in riches, to admit an equal number of Irish representatives with the number she fends to Parliament ?-Nobut property in this queftion might fairly be left out of confideration---it is a fugitive good, and Ireland unquestionably would at this day have been poffeffed of more wealth had the actually poffeffed that British union of interefts which her flatterers fay fhe enjoys---it will be more liberal and better policy in Great Britain not to prefs the point of property. Let the proportion be drawn from the population of Ireland in reference to the population of Great Britain, taking the number of the British representatives as the juft ratio for the British people. Every man in the land has an intereft in the legislative body, because every man in the land is under the direction of the law,---he fubmits himself freely, for his own good, to its will---it is therefore that he contributes to the fupport of the conftituted authorities, and makes a part of the mafs that forms the power of the country ---If you eftrange, by whatever means, the majority of that mafs, you divide the power and endanger the community. Satisfy the people, and your union will be as immortal as the land on which they live.

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By

By ftriking the proportion from the population you will also fecure the reprefentation of the property of Ireland, without invidioufly fetting the pro-. perty of Great Britain against the wealth of Ireland as a reason for leffening her representation in the united Parliament. This will alfo meet the great measure of final emancipation to the Catholic, and render unneceffary any future augmentation of the delegated body. The population of Ireland is equal to half the population of Great Britain, the representation of Ireland should therefore be equal to half the reprefentation of that country this would be a representation of equity, of dignity, and of effect; Ireland would then from her equality of reprefentation appear with her natural confequence in the imperial fenate, and Great Britain would poffefs and feel the political and proper weight of her double number of members; equitably flowing from her double population.

This is the point, as to terms, the most important; the other branches of local regulation may have a fugitive effect, but this will have an eternity of confequence upon the fatisfaction or discontent, the peace or war, the good or evil of the community. Rely upon it that reafon will ultimately prevail; the true queftion is, perfect union, general fecurity, and liberal policy; or no union, infecurity, and political monopoly? there may be party oppofition, there may be corporation clamour, but the queftion thoroughly underftood, and the reprefentation

reprefentation of this land dignified and fecured by equitable proportion, will speak convincingly to the honeft heart of every honeft and induftrious man in the nation.

Such is the miferable working of your diftin&t fyftem and its boafted independency, that the mass of the people, the ftrength of the land, the true power of the ftate, ftand neuter on the measure; their filence is a proclamation of their feelings. You have the catholic, and the proteftant is divided; he is divided, and why? not that union will deftroy the British conftitution in Ireland, for Ireland has not the British conftitution! the fun is the vivifying principle of the world: his light, his warmth, and his benignant effects aré unconfined, they are univerfal; the fentiment of 1782 was partial, it did not make Ireland free, it made the fettlers, the proteftants of Ireland theoretically independent of Great Britain, and it made the catholics of Ireland, the bulk of the people, practically dependent on the proteftant government; it was not to Ireland the British Consti tution; but it was a conftituted monopoly of po

* Since this was written the Catholics of Dublin (or rather the tail of the Dublin Catholic party,) have come forward, and entered into refolutions against the measure of Union: the meeting was not attended by 300 Catholics; 300 is a paltry proportion of the Catholic inhabitants of Dublin, and when, oppofed to the thousands of Catholics who have publicly expreffed their approbation of the measure, their oppofition and its effect must be feeble indeed!

litical

litical power to the exclufion of the people, and it is the ftruggle to maintain and perpetuate that political power which now divides the proteftant into two claffes, the liberal and the bigot, the enlightened ftatefman and the fombre exclufionift! Are we never to have the reign of peace and generous principle between man and man, till the arrival of the millennium? or is man prefumptuoufly to affume the station of omnipotence, and mark with an eternal line the abafement of his brother? What! and fhall the proteftant, whose very name conveys his love of general freedom, fhall he labour to reign paramount in the land at the expence of Irish liberty? No-reafon will ultimately prevail, and the millennium of the land will be the union of the people, as the millennium of the empire will be the union of its parts!

Ye Legiflators! you are the pilots that muft navigate our veffel at this momentous period of her voyage; you have feen the horrors refulting from the mutinous fpirit on board; althoughquelled, it is not fubdued; you have the bodies in your power, but extermination appals humanity, and even policy forbids it, for they are the ftrength of the crew, there might be danger in the attempt, and without them you could not navigate the veffel-The British man of war heaves in fight-she infures your fafety-your veffel was originally formed of planks from her prow-fhe is herself at this moment fomething in want of repair-fhe reminds you of the ancient connexion,

and