Imatges de pàgina
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CHA P. IV.

Agricultural Distress-A Committee appointed on the Motion of Mr. Gooch-The Corn Averages-State of Manufactures—Mr. Baring's Proposition with respect to the Currency-Cash Payments Bill-Lord Liverpool's View of the increased Consumption of the Country-Lords' Report on Foreign Trade-Alteration of the Duties on imported Timber-The proposed Revision and Modification of our Commercial Code-Mr. Owen's Plan-Mr. Scarlett's Poor Laws Bill.

THE agricultural distress of

THE

the present year, was not inferior to that of 1820. No new causes of embarrassment had sprung up: but the price of corn still continued low, landlords were still reluctant to reduce their rents within natural limits, and farmers still laboured under all the difficulties arising from that diminution or destruction of their capital, which the change in the price of their commodities had occasioned. Numerous petitions for relief were presented to parliament; but it was easier to demand than to discover a remedy. Some wished the government to alter the standard of the currency; some suggested the propriety of expunging part of the national debt; some placed their hopes in the removal of taxes; and some had a perfect faith in the omnipotence of high protecting duties. All called for inquiry; and the ministers thought, that inquiry ought not to be refused to those who suffered. On the 7th of March, Mr. Gooch moved, that a select committee should be appointed, to take into consi

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deration the petitions relative to the distress of the agricultural interest. Sir Edward Knatchbull seconded the motion. of these gentlemen, at the same time that they exhibited in very strong colours the difficulties under which the landlord and farmer laboured, disavowed any wish to tamper with the currency, or the national debt; but they were of opinion, that something might be done in the way of diminishing our expenditure, and that the necessary taxes ought to be so modified, as not to lay an undue share of the burthen on the cultivators of the soil. Sir Edward Knatchbull thought also, that some benefit might be de rived from a better system of taking the averages, from making a small addition to the duty on imported oats, and from the adoption of a graduated scale of protecting duties.

Mr. F. Robinson stated, that, when a proposition similar to the present was introduced in the former year, he had opposed it; because he was convinced, that the existing distress was not at

tributable to any defect of the law, and that, when no specific remedy was proposed, it was unwise to agitate so delicate a subject. He thought, however, that the feelings of the most important part of the community were entitled to sympathy and respect; and, therefore, in agreeing to the present motion, although he was pursuing a course inconsistent with that which he had before adopted, he did not conceive that he was subjecting himself to reproach, or doing that for which he ought to feel any shame. With regard to the objects to which the attention of the committee should be directed, he had the satisfaction to find, from the speeches of the mover and seconder, that it was not in contemplation to disturb the laws relative to our currency, or to look for relief through the medium of any operation on the public debt. On the subject of taxation, he did not object to this being brought within the scope of the intended inquiry. Before the committee decided, however, that the principal or the only relief was to be derived from this source, he hoped they would consider how far this decision might affect public credit; and whether, if savings should be made by means of retrenchment, the amount of those savings ought not rather to be applied to a reduction of the debt than to an immediate diminution of the taxes. There were still many persons who maintained, that the only permanent relief was to be derived from the establishment of high protecting duties on every species of agricultural produce. Indeed it could not be doubted that this was the direct object of the petitioners; it was almost in

plain terms avowed to be so; and great pains had been taken to persuade them, that it was the only system under which the interests of agriculture could be promoted. They seemed to believe, that every species of agricultural produce might be imported duty free. The case was not so. Various kinds of agricultural produce had been subjected to duty since the year 1812, and now yielded a considerable revenue. It was so with foreign sheep and other live stock, cheese, butter, seeds, and a great variety of articles, on which a duty was imposed, that, without prohibiting their importation, rendered it highly advantageous to the revenue. If all these were to be excluded, the revenue would sustain a loss of about 600,000l., raised from what was generally supposed to pay no tax at all. He concluded with congratulating the House on the temperate manner in which the gentlemen who espoused the agricultural cause, had brought the matter forward. Entering upon the inquiry in this spirit, they might be enabled to accomplish much that would be useful; and should their endeayours fail of realizing any great improvement, they would at least be attended with the good effect of showing, that the grand specifics, which were sometimes so loudly vaunted, were either impracticable, or, if practicable, inexpedient. Perhaps if this conviction were spread (and there were no means so effectual for spreading it as that of showing that it resulted from the inquiries of a parliamentary committee), an object of no small value would be attained.

In the subsequent discussion, no opposition was made to the appointment of a committee, but a great diversity of opinions were expressed on the causes and remedies of the existing evil. Mr. Ricardo, in a very acute and perspicuous speech, exposed with logical accuracy the incoheren cies and errors of those who had preceded him in the debate. He particularly reprobated the notions, that taxation was the sole or even principal cause of our embarrassments, and that great benefit was to be expected from high protecting duties; and he maintained, that the great principle, upon which we ought to act, was, to make the price of our corn approximate as nearly as possible to the price of corn in other countries. He could not concur with those, who entertained gloomy views of the state of the country: our difficulties, he thought, were nearly at an end, and we were now beginning to revive. He expressed also great apprehension from the appointment of a committee; because he feared, that it would look for relief to increased restrictions on importation; and declared, that if restrictions were to be imposed, he preferred a fixed to a graduated duty.

of the soundest views; and, at the same time that it admits abstract principles in all their extent, modifies them by due regard to the circumstances of the times. It is a pleasing monument of the rapid progress, which enlarged notions on very abstract subjects have made, within the last few years, among that class of the community, on whose opinions the improvement of our legislation and the excellence of our internal public economy chiefly depend.

The committee appointed in the former session, to take into consideration the mode of determining the corn-averages, had gone into evidence at considerable length; and the result of their inquiries was, that Mr. F. Robinson proposed on the 26th of February, a resolution, and afterwards introduced a bill, by which considerable changes were made in the then existing system. By that system, the average was taken in each of the twelve maritime districts, and from these, collectively, the general average was fixed. But, to form the average of each district, the average was previously taken in each town of that district-that is, the total of the corn sold in each town, as well as the total Mr. Gooch's motion being car- of the price paid for such corn; ried unanimously, a committee the one divided by the other, conwas appointed. Among the mem- stituted the average for the town; bers were lord Castlereagh, Mr. and the same division as to the Gooch, Mr. F. Robinson, Mr. corn and the price in the agBrougham, Mr. Ricardo, Mr. gregate of those towns, conHuskisson, and Mr. Curwen. stituted the average of the The result of their deliberations district. In like manner, by was, a report, which we have dividing the total of the corn by given in a subsequent part of our the total of the prices in the volume, and which is one of the twelve districts, the average of most valuable documents ever the kingdom was fixed. Thus laid before parliament. It is full the general average depended

upon the average of each of the towns comprehended in each district; and hence it was clear, that the price of corn, in a particular town of any district, might have a very undue influence upon the general average. This influence was found, in some instances, to operate very unjustly; where speculators had gone to particular towns to purchase corn on such terms as to produce a fictitious price. Such cases had, indeed, occurred not unfrequently. Hence, it was perfectly evident, that the object of the law as to averages was defeated; that object being, to ascertain the general bona fide price of the article. He proposed, therefore, to abolish the plan of taking the averages from the twelve maritime districts, and to substitute that of taking them from maritime counties and towns, fixing the general average from the aggregate of the corn sold in the whole, divided by the total of the price paid for it. The object of this arrangement was, to defeat such speculations as had been entered into within the last year for the purpose of unduly influencing the settlement of the average. It was proposed also to include Ireland, and the Isle of Man in the returns. Many other minor alterations were made. The general object of the measure clearly was, to calculate the averages, so as to diminish them in apparent amount-in other words, to raise the importation price.

The improvement which had begun, in the course of the preceding year, to show itself in the state of our manufactures, still continued. In Yorkshire and Lancashire, the seats of the

woollen and cotton manufactures, the working classes found regular employment, and received a liberal remuneration for their labour. Other branches of internal industry were not equally prosperous. The iron trade was still in a very depressed state; and petitions setting forth the decay of the principal branches of industry in Birmingham, were, at an early period of the session, laid on the tables of both Houses. These petitions excited considerable discussion, of which one remarkable feature was—that many of the country gentlemen insisted on the necessity of laying exclusive burthens on the fundholders; and several of them did not hesitate to say, that the public faith should be broken, and the interest of the debt reduced. The ministers always avowed an open hostility to these desperate schemes; as well as to every project of tampering with the currency.

On the 5th of March, Mr. Curwen made a motion, which he avowed as preparatory to the imposition of a duty on the transfer of stock. The Chancellor of the Exchequer opposed it; describing it as a scheme for the destruction of public faith, and the ruin of individuals. From the common burthen the stockholder claimed no exemption; for twenty years he had submitted to the property tax without complaint; but to a specific tax he did, and fairly did, object. It was said, that the stock-holder had in fact bought in considerable sums under a depreciated currency, which he now claimed to be repaid in gold. Certainly, during those years of depreciated currency nearly one-fourth of

the present debt had been contracted; but how was it possible to separate that particular portion from the whole mass, or to distinguish the individuals who had profited by that temporary state of the circulating medium? Even if such a line could be drawn, what possible justification could the fact in question afford for an attack upon the public creditor? It would be just as reasonable to release and unbind every private bargain, which had been made and entered into at the same date. He knew there was a feeling in the country, that the rich stock-holder ought to contribute largely towards the public expenditure. To contribute certainly; but not to contribute specifically. Let the House recollect that funded property was not difficult of removal; it might easily be transferred to other countries; and it would be so, were it not that the security of England was preferred. Once let a breach of faith be suspected, and that preference was at an end.

On the subject of the currency, Mr. A. Baring suggested on one occasion, the expediency of allowing the Bank the option of paying either in gold or silver: but Mr. Ricardo opposed any such modification of the standard adopted in 1819, as a complete departure from the true principles of currency. It was as impossible, he maintained, that any currency should be constantly of the same value, as that other articles should always retain the same price. Gold bullion, however, was the commodity which varied the least; and if a contract was made to pay 100l. at a future period, the contract would be most faithfully performed by

the payment of that sum in gold.
It might, indeed, suit the purpose
of the debtor to pay it in silver,
but, by so doing, the creditor
would sustain a loss. The two
metals seldom maintained the
same proportion to each other
long. The price of the one might
rise, while that of the other fell.
The Bank being now under an ob-
ligation to pay 60 ounces of gold,
that sum would enable a person
who received it, to purchase a
greater nominal amount of com-
modities, than he could if paid
in silver. The relative value' of
the two metals had varied since
the act of parliament; but what
was the cause of that variation?
It was this; the Bank being a
timid body, seldom clinging to
the true principles of circulation,
had taken alarm, and had made
great and unnecessary purchases
of gold, although they found by
experience, that no person ap-
plied to them for any. He al-
most doubted, whether a single
bar had been demanded from
them, since the commencement of
the new plan. If the Bank were
enabled, according to his hon.
friend's proposition, to pay in
silver instead of gold, they would
now realize a profit equal to the
difference between 4s. 114d. and
5s. 2d. As soon as this profit
should cease, the two metals
would have recovered their rela-
tive value, and then it would be
difficult to discover the worth of
his honourable friend's propo-
sition. He had proved last ses-
sion, that the two metals might
vary to the extent of three per
cent.

By the bill of 1819, the Bank of England were intitled to issue gold coin on the 1st of May, 1822, and were bound to re

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