liberality of proselytes. At their head, though not nominally, yet in real influence, was an apostate from the Protestant faith; owing to the pretended sanctity of his life, the less experienced looked to him with veneration; and he brought with him to the pulpit a style of preaching, whose vulgarity was adapted to catch the crowd, while its eccentricity furnished amusement even to the more sensible. The spirit of proselytism did not labour in vain; and Vienna again beheld men forsake active life, where they were advancing rapidly, with no less reputation to themselves than advantage to society, to wrap themselves up in the sanctity and seclusion of this new order.

The foreign relations of Austria during the year, her share in the negotiations that went on at Constantinople, her military ope

rations against the revolutionists of Naples and Piedmont, were of the first importance to herself, and affected deeply the whole state of Europe; but they seem to belong more properly to those parts of our history which are devoted to the affairs of Italy, and the differences between Rus: sia and the Porte. Her finances were by no means in so flourishing a state, that the prospect of a war should not affect materially the credit of her government and the value of its obligations; but the unexpected termination of the Italian campaign, the rigorous measures adopted to ensure repayment of the expenses it had occasioned, and the quartering of a large portion of the Austrian army on the reve nues of Naples, removed every apprehension of new financial embarrassments for the year.

enough to give firmness and durability to the new system, and to prevent the late changes from becoming merely the first in a long series of revolutions. Unfortunately for the cause of rational freedom, this was not done. The new constitution was full of the maddest extremes of a hypocritical democracy; and the executive power was left by it in a state of helpless imbecility, which rendered it altogether unequal to the task of administering the affairs of the country, or of keeping in due check the unruly spirits, who sought through public disorders the advancement of their own interest and power.

Though the revolution had been accomplished by the army, yet, as the leaders of it had been men not even of high military rank, they had not presumed to place themselves at the head of public affairs; and the reins of government had fallen into the hands of the Liberals of 1814. We have seen with what ardour this party proceeded in subverting ancient establishments; but they took no successful steps for bring ing the country into a settled state. The old order of things had many zealous partizans; and their number was increased, and their zeal exasperated by the extremes to which the revolutionists went. The unmitigated confiscation of the property of the church drove the ecclesiastics to despair; for, though they received in pensions a pretended compensation, the poor alms of a scanty and precarious payment by a revolutionary administration out of a bankrupt treasury, did not constitute a fund which could be looked to either with complacence or with confidence. The

nobility, too, with a few exceptions, of whom perhaps the duke del Parque was the most eminent, were adverse to the late changes; and the peasants in many places shared in the same sentiments. No pains were taken to conciliate these opposing interests and passions; from which, as we have seen in recording the events of 1820, disturbances soon arose in different parts of the kingdom.

The confusion and embarrassment was increased by the schism which took place among the revolutionists themselves; many of whom thought the conduct of the administration much too moderate, and called for more decisive counsels. Change was to be pushed still farther; revolution was to be succeeded by revolution; the voice of the mob was to dictate more authoritatively to the rulers of the state; and, above all, the present possessors of power were to be driven from office, and to be succeeded by others more worthy of presiding over the destinies of the most magnanimous of nations. Most of the military men, dissatisfied with the share of power which had fallen to their lot, participated in these sentiments; and they were supported by the populace in many of the great towns, and particularly by the political clubs which had been established. The Cortes had passed laws to check the excesses of these clubs, and in December, 1820, a royal decree was issued to enforce the execution of the laws against them. But the spirit of the times and of the people, prevailed over laws and decrees; and the clubs still continued to proclaim and disseminate the most extravagant opinions,

The great instrument, which was employed to keep the popular fermentation in activity, was the diffusion of rumours announcing danger to the constitution. All men in power were supposed to be either secret foes, or at best only lukewarm friends to the new system, and the whole of the political atmosphere was loaded with suspicions and jealousies. These feelings pervaded the populace, and extended their influence in no small degree to the Cortes. In the month of November, 1820, shortly after the termination of the session of the Cortes, the permanent deputation of that body presented an address to the king, in which they stated, that an accredited individual at the court of St. Petersburg had made such an improper use of the royal name, as compromised the dignity of the Spanish nation. They further painted in strong language the alarm in which the nation was kept by certain individuals, and prayed his majesty to terminate these anxieties. The following was the king's answer :

"His majesty, who always hears with pleasure the representations of the permanent deputation, and who knew how to appreciate the frankness and loyalty with which it expressed itself in its last, considering to what point foreign relations may be relied on, and convinced, that he can find only in the love of his subjects his true support and real happiness, has ordered his secretary of state to develope to the deputation all the means which an impostor has employed to deceive the emperor of Russia.

"His majesty, who even in the affairs that relate to his private

person, has willingly yielded to the suggestions of the permanent deputation (alluding to the dismissal of his confessor), will cause to be prosecuted by due course of justice, all individuals, who, by their declared enmity to the actual system, shall have subjected themselves thereto.

"His majesty will also deprive of their employments all who shall have lost the public confidence.

"His majesty demands of the deputation its aid for the restoration of confidence, which malice or men's passions have endea voured to destroy-his majesty's proofs of adhesion to the new system, and his sincere desire for the good of the nation, not appearing sufficient to re-establish it."

The king found it necessary to accommodate his actions as well as his words, to the general feel. ing. Don Toledo, a Spaniard, who had gone to Troppau, and representing himself as a secret agent of Ferdinand, had stated that the latter was a prisoner in his own dominions, and disapproved of every act done since the revolution, was deprived of his pension, and forbidden to return to Spain.

The cities were in a very unquiet state. A conspiracy, real or pretended, was discovered at Saragossa Several persons were in consequence arrested; and among them was the marchioness of Luzan. At the end of December, the people of Cadiz, parading the streets in bodies, called out for vengeance on the authors of the massacre of the preceding March. Few of the better classes of inhabitants joined the rioters, who consisted chiefly of smugglers, and of the dregs of the rabble. The magistrates were

alarmed, and took measures to preserve the public peace. They of course became culprits in the eyes of the patriot mob; and a formal address was prepared and forwarded to the king, in which they were accused of having betrayed the public welfare by discharging from prison the authors of the melancholy events of March, without having brought them to trial. At Madrid, the marquis of Ceralbo, on the 27th of December, repaired to a club which had assembled at the Cross of Malta, to break it up, conformably to the law of the Sth of November. The members made open resistance, and the authority of the magistrates and the laws was defied. The address of the common council of the city of London to George IV., requiring him to dismiss his ministers, was read with loud applause; and a petition of similar tenor to Ferdinand IV. was instantly drawn up, and received numerous signatures. On the following day, very severe measures were taken to prevent the renewal of similar scenes; but the opposition of the people was so keen, that the authorities had no small difficulty in accomplishing their purpose. Among the individuals arrested for their refractory conduct on this occasion, were M. Mora, the editor of the Constitucional, a daily journal of extensive circulation in the capital; M. Luna, formerly a Guerilla chief; and the duke del Parque. The popular clamour afterwards made these arrests the matter of loud and grave complaint against the ministers.

If the general spirit of a nation can be judged of from that of the capital, the situation of Spain did

not improve in the early part of the present year. In the month of January, an obscure individual, named Abuelo, who had formerly been the leader of a troop of banditti, wandered for some days in the villages near Madrid, endeavouring to raise partisans in favour of the old system, and publishing proclamations, in which the people were assured, that a foreign army was on its march, who would compel them to return to their duty, to God, and their king. His agents stated, in all places, that he had a force of 4,500 men under his command, and seduced a few poor wretches by promises of commissions and promotion. In a short time he was arrested and thrown into prison. The proclamations were ascertained to have been prepared by the king's honorary chaplain, Don Mathias Vinuesa, who was accordingly arrested on the 28th of January. They bore the title of "The Cry of a true Spaniard;" and their spirit may be judged of from the following passage:"We desire neither despotism nor anarchy. Let us have no Camarilla, but let us also have no factious Cortes. Let us have a free national government, founded upon our ancient institutions and our holy religion."

As soon as this clergyman's arrest was made public at the Fontana d'Oro, some persons mounted the tables, and began to harangue the company. "This culprit," said they, "will be suffered to escape; let us proceed to the magistrates in a body, and demand justice upon him." By these means the people were excited, and a disorderly multitude repaired to the magistrates, who immediately obeyed the voice of