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complaint and quarrel between the contracting powers. The right of blockading an enemy's ports to the exclusion of neutrals was, likewise, not provided for by that treaty; and yet a dread of the greatest of national calamities-an invasion by a powerful neighbour, may leave Government no alternative. Again, the line of demarcation between British America and the United States remains to be settled-than which it would be difficult to point out a more fertile source of dissension, should the commissioners on either side be disposed to cavil. Besides all this, what do sea-faring men think of the courteous manners which they may in future expect to find in American commanders of all denominations, when speaking of naval actions? What say our merchants to the probability there is of the love of gain urging American traders to contrive the means of putting to sea, one of these days, furnished with French papers? His Imperial Majesty will rejoice in giving facility to the projects of adventurers of this sort; because such proceedings will give him a chance of seeing America once more embroiled with England; and Mr. Madison has afforded no ground, on which we can rest in full assurance of his not taking pleasure in again embarking his fortunes with those of his faithful friend.'

It may be alleged, that a great proportion of the citizens of the United States are mercantile men, whose substantial interests can be effectually promoted only by their continuing at peace--especially with this country. This is true. But the landed interest there-the proprietors of districts in the newly-created states, compose a majority in the legislature; and as the President always takes care to gratify their wishes, they make a point of supporting his measures; so that there, as in other countries, commerce is not always the prime consideration. If therefore, from any cause what

■ What an unaccountable ignorance did the negociators of 1783 evincewe do not say of diplomatic forms, or of political science, but simply-of the use of the globes! and to say the truth, it does not appear that the negociators of last autumn have a good opinion of each others' proficiency in that branch of knowledge. In treating further with gentlemen on the other side the water, it will be very proper, as it was of late, that an acute lawyer be present; but as the question of amity or of enmity, will depend chiefly on a geographical problem, why not the astronomer-royal also?

ever, Mr. Madison should choose to incur the risk of another contest, he will not want supporters in Congress; nor yet, perhaps, throughout the States, in which, as in France, the wounds of war may be closed without having been healed.

Both parties have acknowledged, that the intentions of the negociators of 1783 respecting the boundaries, have not been duly fulfilled. But the Americans have alleged, and may still do so, that be the present line of separation what it may, it was sanctioned by the customary forms; they may plead too, as they have already done, the right of occupancy, as well as the delicacy and difficulty of prevailing on any of their brethren on the frontiers, either to migrate southward, or to become the subjects of another power. But arguments like these are not conclusive, and come too late to be applicable. The ties of friendship between the two countries having been broken, an opportunity was afforded of trying to ascertain the true spirit and intent of the treaty of 1783; and of either acting upon it, or concluding one every way new. And if the former mode was preferred, it seems to have been because it was that to which the fewest objections could be started on the part of America; and which, in the imposing attitude which Great Britain had assumed, bespoke the greatest moderation on her part.

It might be considered affectation in us, to view the relative state of Great Britain and France, at this moment, as any thing else than a state of war. The head of the government of that perturbed country, has infringed a treaty to which England was a party; and he manifests his insolence by talking about terms of lasting peace, while he disdains not merely to apologise, but so much as to notice the infraction of which he has been guilty. But not merely is the honor of sovereigns now put to the test; the independence and happiness of nations are in imminent danger. And all Europe is eager to behold, whether the Allies will vigorously maintain an object which they are solemnly pledged to maintain; or pusillanimously abandon it, because their mortal enemy, whose ill-gotten power would be confirmed by their pusillanimity, thinks proper to call upon them to do so. It is possible, but barely so, that for the sake of preventing an appalling effusion of blood, the restoration of the Bourbons may not be proposed to France as an indispensable point; but it seems totally impossible

that the Allied sovereigns can listen for a moment to any proposition for allowing the sceptre of that country to remain in the polluted hands that now hold it. Great indeed will that negociator's faith be, who shall hereafter put confidence in the promises of Napoleon; and little must he be acquainted with the history of modern times, who shall consider the peace of mankind secure, while such a being is permitted to walk the earth. He and his equivocal race, with all his perjured ministers and marshals, must, if by any means it be practicable, be swept completely from off the theatre of Europe as intolerable pests and nuisances.

This incipient war with France points out the extreme importance of preserving peace with other countries. It will call for the most dextrous management of the Prince Regent's ministers, as well as for the appropriation of much of the disposable means of the kingdom. To suppose that a niggardly application of these will be sufficient, would be folly of a shameful kind. The public will not be justifiable in expecting more than that they be applied to the best purposes, and without profusion. Men and money, and able counsels, are the desiderata of the crisis; and if they be not found promptly as well as plentifully, they had much better be withheld. Napoleon does not, like the States General of Holland, take matters ad referendum; nor does he proceed with his expeditions, like the ardent spirits at the head of affairs in Spain, who give those they mean to attack, though situated on the opposite side of the globe, a full twelvemonth's notice of their hostile intention.

It has never been proved, though the proof has been attempted, that the object of the Congress at Vienna was not the general tranquillity and happiness of Europe. It has however been said, that the course they have pursued, is not merely unwise in some respects; but, upon the whole, contrary to that which the world had been led to expect they would prefer. The re-establishment of all ancient thrones-the reinstating of all princes and illustrious families in the venerated mansions of their progenitors-together with the restoration of all their former privileges to all free states ―these are the events which some people expected would distinguish the commencement of the second golden age: instead of which, some sovereigns are not restored at all, others only with

impaired rights-while princes are kept in ignorance of their doom -and free states, celebrated in history, desired to avoid disappointment by expecting nothing.-This is the shady side of the picture: it is an aspect in which it ought never to have been viewed. For who warranted the public in forming such expectations? Not the Regent's ministers, not the ministers of any friendly power, and least of all the Congress itself: but the Parisian dealers in delusive inuendoes, and the editors of English Journals, who could at no time know one whit more of the intentions of the Allies than the most secluded of their fellow subjects.

The members of the Congress were aware from the hour they first met, that it became them to seek the promotion not of partial, but of universal good. They accordingly contemplated Europe as one great field, no part of which had a proprietor. None of them needed to be reminded that it had frequently been trodden by unhallowed feet, and deeply tinged with the best blood of the species; and accordingly they prepared to do their utmost either to render the recurrence of enormous guilt impracticable, or to provide adequate means for repressing and punishing it. This momentous question then presented itself: shall we, scrupulous about the rights of all considered separately, suffer the great European commonwealth to be as unhappy as it was twenty or thirty years ago when one ambitious potentate could with impunity transgress every lawful boundary; or, shall we rather, by abstracting from the claims of some, render the practice of injustice by one power towards another, if not absolutely impracticable, at least perilous in the extreme? The latter principle was adopted; and if through its application, the peace of mankind shall be effectually insured, future ages will not impute to that in which we live as a heinous crime, the simple fact of having, from motives every way benevolent, assigned to Europe one or two sovereign princes less than it once contained.

In this way, one may reason both for and against the measures discussed at Vienna. As for ourselves, we think that the outline of those measures is equally correct and bold; and that they will, in no great space of time, exhibit the characteristic features of wisdom, especially if it should please the great Disposer of events to call Napoleon Bonaparte to another world: may it be a better

one! But should he be spared and left at large, the effects of the grand system proposed by the Congress, will be comparatively unimportant. For those princes and states, whose entire claims it has been found impossible to grant, may, consulting their feelings more than their reason, take part, in some future enterprise, with him who is known to have a talent by which he can defraud and delight at the same instant. In the present contest, the worst that can be expected of Norway, Poland, and Saxony, is that some of their disappointed chiefs will feel chagrin, and express it warmly. And if some sacrifices have been required in Italy, for the purpose of defeating the projects of France, the greatest gainers by those sacrifices will be the very nations of whom they have been required: the Lombards, for instance, will henceforth possess their iron crown, without being bruised with Napoleon's iron rod.

It has long been obvious, that France is the quarter from which the greatest danger to the independence of nations is to be apprehended. But the necessity for warding off that danger has arisen, before the guardians of mankind could arm and take their ground: they are surprised in their tents-although it ought to have been present to their minds, that there is a man to whom scarce any thing is impossible except the practice of virtue.-They know the arduous task which they have to perform. They also know their own means; and no doubt have calculated the value of the co-operation they may expect from surrounding nations-from those whom they have been able to gratify; as well as from others in whose bosoms some unkindly feelings may be supposed to rankle. We would hope that the circumstance of some of the former being under the influence of the Inquisition, or of personages who once were French Marshals, is not alarmingly ominous; and that if any of the latter should be disposed to lend no aid, they will at least attempt no resistance. King Ferdinand's having sent to Elba some Merino sheep and thorough bred mules, imports nothing fairly applicable to the present case. Napoleon, it ought to be remembered, had long afforded his dearly beloved cousin the rites of French hospitality; and, of course, had a powerful claim on his gratitude.

Next to the lamentable posture of public affairs, occasioned by

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