LITERARY NOTICES.

Orations, delivered on the Fifty-Seventh Anniversary of American Independence.

There is but one thing more difficult to write than an oration for the Fourth of July. The themes appropriate to the day-the topics expected to be discussed-have all been treated so often and so elaborately, that an orator at the present day must be in rare good luck, if he can impart interest enough to his performance, to make it worth a review-which is the one thing harder to write than the oration itself. This labor we have no desire to undertake. But we have, on our table, several discourses, delivered on the last anniversary of American Independence, which are entitled to a brief notice.

The Address delivered before the Young Men of Boston, by Amasa Walker, is modest and unpretending, but, nevertheless, a very sensible and well-written performance; and, if it would not endure the ordeal of rigid and unmitigated criticism, it may claim remembrance for its moral, patriotic, and religious character, and from the historical fact of its having been written at the request of eleven societies of young men, associated for the most honorable of purposes-" moral and intellectual improvement-" a fact which may and probably will establish an epoch in this age of moral and intellectual exertion. We extract from the Address a few paragraphs, which will communicate to the reader some of the details of what may be called the moral organization of the city of Boston. The Societies before whom it was delivered are

Boston Young Men's Marine Bible Society; Boston Young Men's Society; Young Men's Society for the Promotion of Literature and Science; Franklin Debating Society; Boston Laboring Young Men's Temperance Society; Lyceum Elocution and Debating Society; Mercantile Library Association; Mechanic Apprentices Library Association; Boston Lyceum; Young Men's Temperance Society; Mechanics Lyceum.

The twelve [eleven?] societies assembled on this occasion are separate and independent associations, with no bond of union, save that which results from a community of feeling, and similarity of purpose. They are composed of persons of all religious sects, of all political parties, of every grade and profession; the gentleman of leisure, and the man of business; the native Bostonian, and the adopted citizen; all ranks and classes intermingle. We can therefore safely assert that we are not the propagandists of any religious faith, nor the partizans of any political creed. Nor do we profess to be wiser or better than our fellow-citizens. We do not take the attitude of censors or instructers; but, feeling our own wants and frailties, we are associated for the purpose of mutual improvement, to make ourselves happier and better, and to exert what influence we may, to promote the welfare of others. We pretend not to be the only laborers in the wide field of human improvement; we merely aspire to the honor of being coadjutors in a noble cause, with our superiors and seniors. Our societies are all open to public inspection, and amenable to public opinion. Our objects may be fully and distinctly known; if our measures are good, they will receive, we trust, the counte

nance and support of an enlightened community; if they are bad, we know they will be visited with that indignant frown of public disapprobation, before which nothing can stand.

The societies of which we speak, may be divided into two classes; those for intellectual improvement, and those for moral influence. These are somewhat necessarily connected, for there is a natural affinity in their objects and purposes. Through the means of our societies for intellectual improvement, we hope to excite amongst ourselves a relish for rational enjoyments, to bring the social sympathies to the aid of the intellectual faculties, to awaken an interest in those pursuits which are calculated to develop the mental powers, and teach man the energies of his own mind.

Through the influence of our moral and benevolent associations, we hope to elevate the standard of character; awaken in ourselves and others a becoming sense of the proper destiny, and true dignity of man; and extend the hand of charity to the destitute and suffering.

To furnish the means of INTELLECTUAL IMPROVEMENT to the mass of common mind, is one of the principal objects to which we direct our attention. We deem it essential to the well-being of society, that a general desire should be excited for the acquisition of useful knowledge; we think it more important that the many should be well-informed, than that the few should be learned. We do not, in our various associations, propose to prepare men to act distinguished parts as scholars. We do not expect to produce literary prodigies; we merely wish and intend to promote a spirit of inquiry, to excite an interest in intellectual pursuits, and teach ourselves the truth, that there are sources of enjoyment and pleasure, other than those of gain, political ambition, or sensual indulgence. We do not wish or expect to elevate any of our members to places of influence and power, but we would do what we can, to qualify each one to act his particular part with propriety, and sustain the various relations of life, in a manner honorable to himself and beneficial to others.

*

We wish to change the MORAL CHARACTER of our metropolis. Let us not be misunderstood. We will not slander our own fair city. We believe she stands on as high an elevation as any other in the land. We much doubt whether there be a community on earth, equally large and dense, where virtuous principle and action are more predominant. Yet is it not true, that even here vice finds a shelter, and profligates a home? Is it not true, that in Boston, dangers stand thick on every side, and temptations are laid in every street, by which multitudes are enticed and destroyed? We know, indeed, (thanks to the moral sense of the people,) that vice wears not her once unblushing front; she stalks not now abroad at noon-day; but the monster is still here, in many of her thousand shapes, habited indeed in a better garb, more decent and cautious in external appearance, but not the less malignant and dreadful. We hope by the influence of moral associations, to form among young men a virtuous public sentiment, to render every departure from rectitude unpopular and disgraceful. We would so far establish the reputation of our various societies, that the fact of membership shall be an ample certificate of good character, and honorable standing. This result we anticipate, not by coercion, not by appeals to civil power, but simply and only by furnishing the means of rational amusement, of intellectual culture, of social intercourse; by uniting our efforts in favor of all measures calculated to improve the mind, refine the taste, and purify the heart. We believe all this practicable; we have seen great good already accomplished, and we are animated with the cheering prospects, which we think are dawning on our city, on our country, on the world. We hope to prove by actual demonstration, that great cities are not necessarily, as the proverb says, "great sores.'

We hope to prove the fallacy of the long received opinion, that, in a dense population, there must, of course, be greater moral impurity, than among the same number of inhabitants scattered throughout a large extent of territory. We agree with our favorite Cowper in his description:

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Rank abundance breeds

In gross and pampered cities sloth and lust,
And wantonness, and gluttonous excess.
In cities vice is hidden with most ease,
Or seen with least reproach: and virtue, taught
By frequent lapse, can hope no triumph there,
Beyond the achievement of successful flight.".

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But we cannot join the poet in his alternative; for, however true to life may be this glowing picture, we cannot abandon cities to remediless depravity. We do not believe that "virtue can hope no triumph, but in the achievement of successful flight;" far otherwise. We believe she may and must make a bold stand. Clad in the panoply of truth, arrayed in the lovely robes of innocence, decked with all the charms of moral beauty, virtue may suffer, but should never fly; she may be assailed, but can never be vanquished; her conflict with vice may be long and severe, but her victory is sure. It is alone in fable that Astrea can be banished from human abodes.

That moral pestilence and death must and will interminably reign within our cities and large towns, we do not admit. No. We anticipate, and if we do not greatly mistake the indications that gather around us, we perceive the rising of a brighter day,-a day of promise and joy. Whatever their past character may have been, we do confidently predict, that the time is approaching, when our cities will become the great fountains of healthful moral influence, sending forth streams that shall fertilize and bless the land; shall be not only the favorite abode of literature, science, and the arts, but of virtue in her brightest manifestation.

We wish to aid in hastening such a time. We would concentrate our efforts and influence in favor of measures calculated to remove the occasions of mischief, the temptations to evil; we would create a public sentiment, among young men, especially, favorable to the cause of virtue; we would render it popular and honorable to be exemplary and discreet in all the walks of life. We do trust we have done something effectual for this object, we hope to do more.

In connexion with the subject of moral influence, we should do great injustice to our own personal feelings and to the societies assembled on this occasion, if we did not allude to the active part they have taken in the temperance cause; a cause with whose success the liberties and happiness of this country are identified; a cause the most glorious that has ever called forth the energies of man; a moral enterprise the most magnificent the human intellect has ever conceived; embracing the grandest objects and requiring the greatest efforts of the human mind; whose past success affords the highest encouragement to philanthropic exertion the world has ever witnessed, and whose final triumph will be the most brilliant moral achievement than man has ever attained.

In this cause, twelve hundred young men of Boston have enlisted. They have solemnly pledged themselves to God and their country. Shoulder to shoulder, and heart to heart, they have unalterably resolved to form one phalanx of that mighty army, before whose onward march the unnumbered hosts of intemperance are destined to be vanquished and destroyed. They could wish, indeed, that instead of numbers sufficient to form a regiment, they had enough for a brigade; instead of twelve hundred rank and file, they had twelve thousand; and although they can offer to new recruits no other advance pay than a pledge of total abstinence; no other wages than health and happiness; no other bounty lands than the prospective glory and felicity of our common country; and no greater rations of grog than a plenty of cold water; yet such is their confident reliance on the virtue and patriotism of their young fellow-citizens, that they entertain no doubt of the success of enlistments, or the popularity of the service.

*

To inspire among young men a spirit of mental independence is one of the objects of our ambition. The true foundation of freedom is in the individual mind. Man must be free from the tyranny of vicious habits, of sensual appetites, free from superstition, from a slavish deference to the opinions of others. He should in all matters, whether political, moral or religious, think for himself, and never allow others to think for him. Till this time arrives, man will never enjoy that peaceful freedom, for which his creator designed him. Is there not in all communities a want of this spirit? Is not the number small, who dare to think, who venture to have an opinion, till they know the opinion of the world, till they find out with much certainty, what is popular? Can any thing be more servile and degrading? Is there aught that better fits men for slaves? Of all the characteristics of our times, there is none of which we should be more heartily ashamed, than this; none, for the reformation of which we should strive more earnestly. The habit of acting independently, and from a conviction of truth, like all other good habits, should be acquired early. The natural ingenuousness of youth predisposes them to this. They are ardent, they act from feeling. The sordid les

sons of cold-hearted selfishness they have not learned; have not acquired those sentiments of prudence, falsely so called, which prompt a man to inquire, not whether what he is about to do is right, but whether it will be popular and safe. The non-committal policy young men are not generally disposed to adopt. It is in accordance with this natural characteristic of youth, that we find they have always been foremost in every struggle for liberty.

Who were most active in raising the spirit of rebellion and resistance in the American colonies, against the aggressions and encroachments of British power? Young men. Who first dared to assail the despotism of Charles the Tenth? The boys, ay, "the rash boys" of the Polytechnic School. Who first raised the standard of liberty in Poland? The young men attached to the military academy of Warsaw. Now we wish to seize upon this well known trait of youthful character, and wield it in the cause of truth. We would cultivate this feeling, instead of suppressing it; we would direct it to useful and noble ends; would preserve it in all its freshness and vigor, and make it a settled principle of the soul.

We could select many more paragraphs from this address, to justify our commendation; but these are sufficient. We cannot suppress the fact, that Mr. Walker is not, technically, a professional man-he has not, we believe, received what is technically called a liberal education; but his production evinces an educated mind, a deep sense of moral responsibility, and an independence of character, that merit high consideration, and are worth more, to himself and his friends, than all the diplomas that could be awarded by all the universities in the Union.

Mr. Lunt's Oration, delivered at Newburyport, may be placed among the most agreeable of this class of productions the present year. It is rich in beautiful thoughts, expressed in eloquent language-" apples of gold in pictures of silver." We copy a single passage.

If we would justly appreciate the objects and tendency of human existence, we must forget the distinctions of periods and people. We must remember that there is a universal bond of brotherhood between man and man. No matter, when or where he may have had his being: whether he stands with us to-day in the light of freedom, or groveled ages ago, where its name was never whispered: no matter, whether he toiled and fought and died, in the vain anticipation of seeing those glorious results, which our eyes have witnessed: no matter, whether he fell with Liberty at Charonea, or saw it and was glad, when it welcomed our fathers to the battle-plain of Lexington: no matter, whether he perished in the dungeons of the inquisition, or worships God, as he pleases, in his stately temples: no matter, whether his body slumbers under the ghastly ruins of ancient superstition, or the fresh soil of a free land presses lightly on his bosom ;-civilized or savage,-high or low,-living or dead,-he is a member of the same human family. Wherever the sun-beams publish God's glory, or the liberal elements utter his bounty, they have found man the same: always an intellectual and a moral being, aspiring, sometimes feebly and again more earnestly, towards the same high objects: actuated by the same motives, worn by the same sufferings, elevated by the same hopes, tried by the same temptations: now overborne by intolerable wrongs and anon rising and trampling upon cowardly oppression : traveling through earth with a struggling mind and a beating heart, and longing for heaven! The sage who thought, and the hero who conquered, are all connected with us by innumerable ties. The illustrious achievements of other days belong to us rather than to them, for we enjoy their full influence and harvest their complete fulfilment. All that has ever been executed for the good of man,all exalted enterprise, all heroic devotion, all self-sacrificing fortitude,-every generous impulse of the affections and every lofty effort of the mind,-constitute but one unbroken chain of brilliant events, all tending to accomplish the same glorious and eternal end. If then we contemplate man in this interesting aspect; as one great mass of human existence, pressing constantly forward, under the direction of a benevolent Providence, to secure the ultimate happiness of the race ;-that happiness, which consists in a free intellect and the removal of every fictitious and unnecessary restraint from the bodies and the souls of men ;-if we look at him in this relation, hindered and checked, at times, in his career, but

with a mind never totally paralyzed, and a heart never altogether broken,-like some single noble spirit, which misfortune may indeed stagger, but cannot subdue; if we consider all the illustrious actions of our predecessors, but as distinct pulsations of the same mighty heart:--every gallant stroke for independence,every splendid example of magnanimous endurance and heroic martyrdom,-but as one grand series of connected causes, whose consequences have been accumulating, until they are ready to spread over and refine and liberalize the world;with what thrilling interest shall we then regard the history of the past! with what profouder emotions shall we dwell upon the character of the present and speculate upon the boundless prospects of the future! It is thus, that the friend of his country, at whatever remote and obscure period he may have existed, becomes indeed the friend of mankind: that the great reformer has toiled, and the great philosopher taught for all coming generations, and the myrtle-bough, that wreathed the sword of the patriot, thus lives and flourishes forever, in the beauty and the glory of immortal loveliness!

Discourses and Addresses on Subjects of American History, Arts, and Literature. By Gulian C. Verplanck.

Biography seems to be Mr. Verplanck's forte. The best discourses in this volume, (best because they are the only ones in which an unity of design is perceived, or an unity of effect produced,) are an Eulogy upon Lord Baltimore, and one upon Daniel H. Barnes, an eminent schoolmaster. The author seems incapable of discussing systematically any subject, that has not tabernacled in the flesh; and, where he attempts any other topic, he is vague and unsatisfactory. We have often seen Mr. Verplanck's name in the public prints; but we have not traced his literary or political career, and know his character only from the book before us. In that it is faithfully portrayed; and from that we will venture a sketch of his mental and moral history and endowments. He was conversant in childhood or early youth with men of exalted and pure minds. From such intercourse he derived an ardent admiration for excellence, not in the abstract, but as enshrined in the souls and exhibited in the lives of its subjects. Nature had but sparingly endowed him; yet habits of industry, in a great measure, supplied the deficiency. He improved with avidity the means of education, and acquired an ardent relish for the models of classical taste both ancient and modern. With these he has always been conversant; these he has always assayed to imitate. Upon these he has formed a style, remarkable for purity and elegance, though not for brilliancy or force. He has always believed that "the proper study of mankind is man;" it has therefore been his chief ambition to understand and to sympathize with living and departed worth. He has made the fine arts his study, so far as they relate to the delineation of character; and is an excellent connoisseur in portrait painting and statuary. Generalization is his strange work; and, therefore, though the manifestation of character has been his constant study, his ideas on mental and moral science are probably very vague. He cannot be a violent partizan ; for he has learned that talents and integrity have never been the exclusive property of a party. He would prefer a literary coterie to the halls of Congress; and had rather be a Boswell than a Burke or a Chatham. Thus has our imagination pictured the man. Let those who know him say whether there be a likeness.

Almost half of the volume before us is occupied by an Anniversary Discourse before the New-York Historical Society with copious notes.