its several stages. Several Members had declared in favour of the Bill, to shew that they were not to be intimidated by the menaces out of doors, nor would he suffer himself to be overawed by Gentlemen within, from conscientiously discharging his duty, and declaring his sentiments: the blanks were then filled; all the amendments being negatived by great majorities, and the Bill ordered to be read a third time on Friday.

Some conversation ensued about the disturbances in the metropolis, when Mr Hiley Addington detailed the steps taken by the Secretary of State for preserving the public tranquillity. The whole of the civil force had been put in requisition; a large military force was ordered to the capital, and stationed in the environs, with artillery, and the town divided into ten districts, to each of which a Magistrate had been appointed.

Thursday, March 9.

The different petitions presented against the Corn Laws up to this day are supposed to have been signed by not fewer than 800,000 individuals.

The Finance Resolutions were postponed. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in reply to a question from Mr Protheroe, stated, that with respect to the window duty on warehouses, where either health or business required a great number of windows, he had no objection to a modification. There were two classes of warehouses to which he intimated, that a modification of the duty would be applied; namely, where there are a great number of small windows, and where the windows are separated by small divisions. In these cases he would propose to substitute the duty of Is. 6d. instead of 3s. 6d. In the case of the number of windows in warehouses of the latter class, exceeding 100, he intended to propose, that they should be charged by measurement as in green houses. He further observed, that the presest schedule of duties was not to extend to warehouses which had formerly been exempted on the ground of poverty.

Friday, March 10.

Sir Francis Burdett, in presenting a Petition, signed by 42,473 inhabitants of Westminster, against the Corn Bill, wished to correct a mistake that had gone abroad, of his having been a friend to the measure. He was no supporter of the Corn Bill. Go

vernment were alone interested in the measure, as they found it nccessary to bolster up the system of taxation, which they were resolved to continue. He had been represented in some of the public prints as having abandoned his former principles: it had been said, that the landlord at length ap

pears, and the patriot disappears; and that he permitted interest to stifle every other consideration. Yet he had no interest in the Bill; it would neither add one farthing, nor take one farthing from him. His little property-his little establishment, was ever in a peace establishment (laugh.) He had in view a permanent state of things, and not to take advantage of temporary circumstances. If the Bill passed with the protecting price of 80s. the quarter, he should not raise his rents; nor if it were thrown out, would he lower them. The object of the peace establishment was to subvert the Constitution of the country. He would ap peal to every Member, if any discussion on any subject proposed by the Ministry, can be viewed in any other light than a mock debate; and if any man who sits in the seat which the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Castlereagh), occupies, cannot carry any measure he pleases, by a great majority. Whatever falls from him is received as if he were clothed with the mantle of the Prophetthere he sits as an oracle, and all the people bow obedience to him (laugh). His opi nion of the electors of Westminster was, that they would despise him if he compromised his opinion to pay court to them. But to cut the matter short-he would never avail himself of the scandalous Septennial Act; and he should at all times be ready to resign his seat in that House to whatever person they might think more worthy of it. He must protest against the system now adopted of calling out the military, and firing out of houses. In walking the streets, one runs the risk of being rode over by dragoons. A Gentleman, in going along the streets the other night, was told by a soldier to go home: his reply was, "I do not know that martial law is yet established; you may go home if you please; for I will not." The force being unconstitu tional, whatever death ensued was murder. In the case of Burlington-street, where a young man was killed, there was no justification. The military ought to display their strength rather than conceal it. Such a thing was never before heard of in this country, as putting men in houses with fire arms, to fire on the people; to invite the people, as it were, to attack, by shewing no preparation for defence, and then to destroy them in this manner. The labouring classes would not be benefited by the Bill; their wages would be the same. He thought the landed proprietors had been unfairly dealt with, and that they had been held up in a very false light. He was sorry they suffered themselves to be made the cats' paw of any Ministry.

Mr Robinson explained, that his own life,

and

and that of his servants, was sought: that the armed force had not been concealed; but had shewn themselves before they fired from the windows. He conjured him to abstain from uttering sentiments calculated to inflame the populace.

Lord Castlereagh said, the Hon. Baronet had unmasked his design: he hoped no one, with his eyes open, would join in shaking the Government and subverting the Constitution.

Mess. M. A. Taylor, Methuen, Paget, and Sir J. Sebright, spoke in explanation of the conduct and principles of the Hon. Baronet.

Sir Francis Burdett said, he did not attach blame to Mr Robinson individually, but to the soldiers employed. Every man should protect his property legally and constitutionally the whole metropolis might be armed and organized, but by the interference of soldiers, a military despotism, instead of a constitutional defence, would be established. A magistrate being placed at the head of the military, did not change the character of the force, no more than a staff, painted like that used by a constable, made a peace-officer. His object was to restore, not to subvert the constitution. Who says I wish to overturn the Constitution? Why the noble Lord, who was himself detected in an act for which he ought to have lost his head, [hear, hear! and great confusion.] I say, that for that act the Noble Lord ought to have lost his head; and by an uncorrupt House of Commons he would have been impeached, and would have suffered. He was exposed trafficking in seats in this House. The Noble Lord and his friends round him laugh; he may laugh now, secure in the protection he has received from this House: but when this heinous traffic was disclosed, you yourself, Mr Speaker, stigmatized it as a new practice, at which our forefathers would have started with horror and indignation, and yet the Noble Lord was pardoned: let it never be forgotten, because the crime was as notorious as the sun at noon day, and he escaped in the general mass of corruption and delinquency. Yet the Noble Lord, admitted to be guilty of this great offence, this direct attack upon the constitution, now ventures to stand forward, amidst the applauses of the House, as the upholder and supporter of that Constitution which he has

been proved to have endeavoured to overthrow-[Hear, hear, hear! and great confusion.]—

I cannot approve of the public tumults, the breaking of windows, or the unmanly practice of attacking defenceless individuals, but still less do I approve of the practice of letting loose an armed force upon an unarmed populace. (Hear, hear!) But I can bear with patience the charge of the Noble Lord, that I wish to renovate the Constitution, because it has been, 1 am proud to say, the whole object of my life. The Hon. Baronet has spoken of the Electors of Westminster as if they were engaged in these disturbances; he says, that he will defend his house to the last against my Constituents. Does he mean to assert, that the enlightened Electors of the important City of Westminster are guilty of these outrages? (Hear, hear, and laughter!) I say that no Member has a right to make such an assertion, however obnoxious my Constituents may be to the corrupt portion of this House. I have a right to call it so -the Noble Lord was detected in disgraceful practices-he was taken in the fact, and ex uno disce omnes, that was only one instance of a consistent system of profligacy.

Mr Methuen spoke to order; and the Speaker said it was a breach of order to say, that that House was a consistent system of profligacy.

Sir F. Burdett replied, "I wish that my assertion was not only a breach of order, but a breach of truth !"

· Mr H. Summer wished to know if the Hon. Baronet objected to have his words taken down.

Sir F. Burdett said, it was a matter of indifference to him; he might do as he pleased.

Sir John Sebright explained, that his reflection did not apply to the electors of Westminster, but only to those persons whom the Hon. Baronet addressed in Palace-Yard.

Sir F. Burdett answered, that the householders of Westminster were the electors:

he was indifferent whether the measure was carried or not; but was sorry that the people had been deluded by it. The third reading of the Corn Bill was then carried, after two divisions, by majorities of 168 and 141; and being read, was passed and order, ed to be sent to the Lords.

April 1815. 9

HIS

306

FRANCE.

BONAPARTE, THE BOURBONS, AND THE ALLIED POWERS OF EUROPE.

NEVER perhaps did the civilized world

present a scene of more portentous interest than at the present crisis. While we behold the nations of Europe marshalling their whole strength against France; and while we see again at the head of that powerful state, the extraordinary chief who has so often carried war and desolation from one end of Europe to the other, it is impossible to contemplate, without horror, the approach of that conflict which it is likely will be the consequence of such dreadful preparations. The question of war however is not yet finally decided; and if the present government of France succeed in persuading the other powers of the sincerity of its pacific professions, the world may yet hope for a time to enjoy repase. And surely nothing but the most dire necessity will induce the sovereigns of Europe to forego the blessings of peace, and again expose their countries to the risk of devastation and bloodshed.

We have already seen the extraordinary progress of Bonaparte, from his landing on the shores of the Mediterranean to his resumption of the imperial throne of France. On that throne he now seems to be more firmly seated than ever, and it appears clearly that he means to found his title to it on the choice and affections of the people. Accordingly every proceeding since his return, as far as we can judge from appearances, manifests a total change in his principles and views. He promises liberty at home, renounces wars abroad, and assumes no power but what shall emanate from the nation; his ministers are chosen from among the most celebrated republicans; and among his first acts we find the abolition of the censorship of the press, the abolition of the slave trade, freedom of worship, and the voting of taxes and laws by the representatives of the nation legally assembled. Well knowing the influence of an imposing show, he has summoned the members of the electoral colleges of France to meet in "a Field of May, according to the ancient form of the Franks, to digest a constitutional charter. The assembly may consist of twenty thousand persons; and a hall is to be prepared for that number. It will

therefore be a tolerably fair representation of the people and the result of this session cannot be called the voice of the army, for the representative body must be taken from the class of the highest property in the kingdom."

That Bonaparte has become sensible of the errors of his former despotic government, and has determined on a more liberal and moderate policy at home and abroad, we would be convinced, if we could credit his own testimony, or if we could regard the spirit that appears in the various public addresses and documents. An address from the council of state, begins by stating, that ⚫ the sovereignty resides in the people-it is the only legitimate power;'-' in 1789 'the nation recovered its rights ;'—' the na⚫tional assembly abolished the feudal monarchy.'-It then enters into the history of Bonaparte, in order to shew that he was chosen by the people;-declares, that it was impossible for him, by abdication, to destroy the rights of his son to the crown; and that his abdication was null and void, because not in conformity with the wishes of the people. In his answer to this address, Bonaparte speaks of the sovereignty of the people, and adds, I have renounced all

oaths to the Bourbons, left Bourdeaux, to embark at Pouillac, towards the mouth of the river. The next morning, at eleven, General Clausel entered the city. Count Lynch, the mayor, and some other faithful partizans of the king, had previously departed.

One of the Moniteurs lately received, con. tains a decree, dated at Lyons, so far back as the 12th of March, granting an amnesty to all persons "implicated in calling in foreigners in the year 1814," excepting, however, amongst others, the Prince of Benevento, the Duke of Ragusa, Lynch, mayor of Bourdeaux, De la Roche-Jacquelin, De Vitrolles, Alexis de Noailles, Sosthine de la Rochefoucault, Bourienne, Bellart, Count Bournonville, Count Jaucourt, the Duke of Dalberg, and the Abbe De Montesquieu, who are all to be tried when arrested, and in case of condemnation, to undergo the punishment inflicted by the penal code. Their goods and estates are to be confiscated immediately. All the persons who constituted the provisional government which recalled Louis XVIII. are thus included.

Another decree has been issued, reviving the laws of the national assembly against the persons of the Bourbons, and giving them up to trial and punishment, if they are found within the French territory. This decree, however, was not put in force in the case of the Duke D'Angouleme, captured at Marseilles. All those who accepted ministerial functions under Louis, or formed part of his household-officers commanding bodies formed against the imperial government, and all Chouans, are ordered to remove 30 miles from Paris. All the civil and military officers who had joined the royalists in the south, are ordered to abandon them within one week, under pain of prosecution.

When the other members of the Bourbon family left Paris, it appears that the Duchess Dowager of Orleans, and the Duchess of Bourbon, chose to remain; and upon these persons Napoleon has settled pensions of 300,000 livres for life.

When the powers assembled in Congress at Vienna, received intelligence of the landing of Bonaparte in France, they issued a declaration on the 13th of March, setting forth their determination to assist France, or any other country, whose tranquillity might be disturbed by his projects, and de. claring him out of the pale of national law. A treaty has since been published between Russia, Prussia, Austria and Britain, dated the 25th of March. It is founded, as is stated, on the principles of the treaty of Chaumont, and binds the respective parties to defend the so happily restored order of

'things against all violation,' to bring t justice all such as may join, or shall hereafter join the party of Napoleon.' For this purpose, each is to maintain in the field an army of 150,000 men, and not to lay down their arms until Bonaparte is so far subdued as to be rendered unable again to disturb the tranquillity of the world. The other powers of Europe are to be invited to accede to this treaty.

Accordingly preparations for the renewal of war are carrying on in every part of the continent, from north to south, and from the borders of the Euxine to the shores of the Atlantic. It does not follow, however, that war must be the consequence. These declarations were perhaps made while ignorant of the failure of the Bourbons, in every quarter of France; and the warlike preparations may be only to give the different powers a high attitude. Some of them, too, such as Bavaria, Wurtemberg, and the Swiss Cantons, are said to be desirous of neutrality; and letters from Spain give reason to expect no vigorous co-operation on that side against France, as the general discontents will oblige the government to retain the armies within its frontiers. There is little doubt that Murat will make common cause with Bonaparte, and excite insurrections against the Austrian power in Italy. It has transpired, that in the nego ciations at Vienna, Talleyrand addressed a note to Lord Castlereagh, urging that England should declare King Ferdinand the legitimate sovereign of Naples. Much sophistry is used by that statesman to shew, that this unanimous declaration of all the powers would render the employment of force useless; that Murat, not meeting with support, would at once descend from his throne; as Austria had guaranteed Naples from all attack, it was proposed to get over her breach of faith, by not permitting an attack to be directed from the side of her possessions in Italy. Murat was aware of these projected breaches of faith, and has doubtless taken his measures accordingly. It is known that he favoured the circulation of Bonaparte's proclamations; that when the Princess Pauline, Napoleon's sister, was arrested on her return to Porto Ferrajo, he sent to Florence to threaten that city with military occupation unless she was released. This had the desired effect. The Journal de Paris has an article from Naples, dated March 30., stating, that in consequence of the party at congress, in favour of the res toration of King Ferdinand, having gained superior influence, Murat had put his army in motion, to the amount of 80,000 men. Two divisions were passing through the Roman states. The pope and his cardinals

bad