Imatges de pÓgina
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appears to have had the effect which the writer wished, for he was invited thither, and was actually permitted to land on the 21st of Oct. at Port-au Prince. This was a great point gained; but unfortunately M. Lavaysse, in a day or two, fell dangerously ill; and so continued up to the 1st of Nov. Previously to the Commissioner's arrival, the President, foreseeing that the late events in Europe would lead to some attempt on the part of France to recover possession of St Domingo, and that that attempt, whenever made, would be better counteracted by the assistance of England, determined to add to the motives of humanity which might impel her conduct, the more powerful tie of selfinterest. His first step, therefore, was to grant some local facilities to the British trade at Port-au Prince, but that not being sufficient, he, on the 15th of Oct. published a decree, declaring that, from the 1st of Jan. 1815, merchandize manufactured in countries under the dominion of his Britannic Majesty, shall be subjected to an import duty of only five per cent. The conduct of the President Petion is wise and politic; but not as it has been represented, quite disinterested. He has given Britain interest in preventing the return of St Domingo under the yoke of France; for should that event take place, the British trade would be entirely excluded from the ports of that Island.

On King Christophe's receipt of M. Lavaysse's letter, he ordered his Secretary to answer it. It was then laid before a General Council. The following are some of the expressions attributed to the French Commissioner : "Every thing has been foreseen and provided for in the Treaty of Peace, between the Sovereigns of Europe. Being insufficiently informed of your Excellency's principles, they thought it possible that you might hesitate in respect to the conduct you ought to follow, and they therefore agreed, that, in order to replace the population of Hayti, which in that cuse would be totally exterminated, by the immense mass of forces sent against it, France should continue the Slave Trade for several years, with a view not only to supply the necessary hands for cultivation, but also to form a black soldiery, in imitation of the English." "You, General, will not force us to convert into soldiers those Negroes, whom we are at the present moment collecting on the coast of Africa; you will not force us to use all the possible means of destruction." "I am persuaded you have too sound a judgement, too enlightened an understanding, and too noble a disposition, not to be satisfied with becoming a great Nobleman and a General Officer, under that antique

dynasty of the Bourbons, which Providence, as if in contempt of all human calculations, seems to delight in perpetuating on the throne of our dear France. You will prefer the lot of an illustrious servant of the mighty Sovereigns of the French, to the more than precarious state of a Chief of revolled Slaves; and if examples were necessary for your imitation, behold Generals Murat and Bernadotte, who, as Kings or Princes, have for several years governed the nations that they have rendered illustrious by their arms, now descending voluntarily and nobly from their thrones, and preferring legitimate and durable honours for themselves and their posterity to the odious and unsafe title of usurpers."

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"Do not deceive yourself, General. You doubtless know, what every body in Europe knows, although it is not yet diplomatically published, that the principal article of the agreement, which the Sovereigns of that quarter of the globe have ratified with their royal word, is to unite their arms, if necessary, in order to destroy all the governments which have been formed in consequence of the events of the French Revolution, either in Europe, or in the New World. Learn, moreover, that it is Great Britain who is the centre and prime mover of this confederacy, to which, sooner or later, all other powers must yield; and every Government or Chief that refuses to submit, will be punished as traitors and banditti." The result of the deliberation of the council proves that the French Commissioner did not form a correct estimate of the Haytian character, when he used threats to influence them to submission: The council were too well informed of the progress of affairs of Europe to give credit to the political passages; but the menacing passages they felt as men whose feelings, habits, and opinions, had been long formed-as soldiers who had fought and conquered their own independence and that of their, families. They voted an address to Christophe expressive of their determination to perish to the last inan rather than submit. A deputation next morning waited on their Sovereign, to whom Christophe made the following rePly:

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Haytians your sentiments, your generous resolution, are worthy of us your King shall always be worthy of you. Our indignation is at its height. Let Hayti, from this moment, be only one vast camp; let us prepare to combat those tyrants who threaten us with chains, slavery, and death. Haytians! the whole world has its eyes fixed upon us; our conduct must confound our calumniators, and justify the opinion which philanthropists have formed of us. Let us rally;

rally; let us have but one and the same wish that of exterminating our tyrants.On the unanimous co-operation of our union, of our efforts, will depend the prompt success of our cause. Let us exhibit to posterity a great example of courage; let us combat with glory, and be effaced from the rank of nations, rather than renounce liberty and independence. A King, we know how to live and die like a King; you shall always see us at your head, sharing in your perils and dangers. Should it so happen that we cease to exist before consolidating your rights, call to mind our actions; and should our tyrants so far succeed as to endanger your liberty and independence, disinter my bones; they will still lead you to victory, and enable you to triumph over our implacable and eternal enemies."

Christophe issued, on the 20th October last, a manifesto, asserting the liberty and independence of the people of that interesting colony, and solemnly pledging himself, and the whole of the population under his dominion, to suffer death rather than submit to the introduction and establishment of any foreign authority. The crimes, the perfidies, and the outrages of Bonaparte, form the ground-work of this paper. The manifesto is remarkable for the justness of the panegyric bestowed upon England in her indefatigable and successful exertions for the abolition of the slave trade, and does not scruple to express a hope, not marked indeed with any extraordinary confidence, that the independence of Hayti will be recognised by Louis XVIII. At the Cape there are about 5000 infantry, and 1500 cavalry, with a very good park of artillery. The whole of the regular military establishment is calculated at 22,000 men, and the militia is said to consist of 33,000.-Fort Henry, or the citadel of Christophe, is a stupendous work, and appears impregnable. It is secured by its extraordinary elevation from any sudden attack: its fortifications are constructed with great skill, and amply provided with water within; it is supplied with provisions and ammunition for six thousand men for two years.

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Art. 1. The first article provides, that all hostilities are to cease as soon as the treaty shall have been ratified by both parties; all territories taken possession of by either party to be restored, excepting the islands in the Bay of Passamaquoddy; they are to remain in the possession of the respective powers, in whose hands they then are, until it is decided to whom they belong, according to the agreement of a former treaty.

2. Immediately after the ratification of this treaty by both parties, as hereinatter mentioned, orders shall be sent to the armies, squadrons, officers, subjects, and citizens of the two powers, to cease from all hostilities and to prevent all causes of complaint which might arise on account of the prizes which may be taken at sea after the said ratification of this treaty, it is reciprocally agreed, that all vessels and effects taken after the space of twelve days from the ratification, upon all parts of the coast of North America, from the latitude of 23 degrees north, to the latitude of 50 degrees north, and as far eastward in the Atlantic Ocean as the 36th degree of west longitude from the meridian of Greenwich, shall be restored on each side. That the time shall be 30 days in all other parts of the Atlantic, north of the equinoctial line or equator; and the same time for the British and Irish Channels, for the Gulf of Mexico, and all parts of the West Indies: forty days for the North Seas, for the Baltic, and for all parts of the Mediterranean: 60 days for the Atlantic Ocean south of the equator, and as far as the latitude of the Cape of Good Hope; 90 days for every other part of the world south of the equator; and 120 days for all other parts of the world, without exception.

3. This article relates to the mutual restoration of prisoners.

4. Relates to the islands in the Bay of Pas, amaquoddy--Go Commissioner is to be appointed by each Power, who are to decide to which Power those islands respectively belong, agreeably to the intention of the Treaty of 1783. If the Commissioners cannot agree, recrence is to be made to some friendly Sovereign to decide.

5, 6, 7. Reiate to the line of boundary, agreeably to the Treaty of 1783. The boundary line is to run through the middle of the river St I awrence, and of the several Lakes respectively. It is necessary to decide where the middle is, and to which Power the islands near the middle of these Lakes, &c. respectively belong.

8. States that the Commissioners are to appoint Surveyors and Clerks, &c. and to provide for their payment.

9. Relates to the Indians. It is agreed that each of the two Powers is to make peace

AMERICA.

TREATY OF PEACE.

The negociations at Ghent have happily terminated in a treaty of peace, which was signed there by the British and American Plenipotentiaries on the 24th December; and has been since ratified in London by the Prince Regent, and sent off to America for final confirmation by the President of the United States. The following is confidently given as a correct abstract of the treaty:

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This intelligence is truly gratifying, and may be regarded as the consummation of those great events which have already taken place on the Continent of Europe. Without the restoration of universal peace those events formed indeed an unfinished story; but now the piece is complete-the curtain is fairly dropt; and we hope it will be long before the managers of the European drama will entertain their subjects with the bloody tragedy of a new war. The truth is, that the American war was virtually at an end with the war in Europe. It was a branch of the main quarrel, and naturally ceased with the source from which it arose. Great Britain and America differed in their res pective capacities of neutral and belligerent powers. These differences course derived all their interest from war, in which alone it was that the privileges connected with them could be exercised; and when the war ceased, it was evidently useless to continue a new war for the exercise of certain rights that peace rendered nugatory.— It has been urged, indeed, that it would have been politic to have framed some set. tled system of maritime law for the government of neutral and belligerent powers in future wars. But supposing (which is very likely) that both parties had maintained their respective views of public law, what was to be done? Were we to continue fighting for certain abstract principles in the law of nations of no immediate use in practice ? Were we to involve ourselves in a present war, that we might avoid a war at some future period? And be it observed, that though we had even forced the Americans to accede to our view of the question, what security had we that they would not, the very next war in which we were involved in Europe, seize the opportunity of resisting the exercise of our maritime claims? In short, the propriety of waving the discussion of those embarrassing questions,

when the two parties had lost their respective characters of neutral and belligerent, cannot well be questioned. In this respect, indeed, the road to peace was so open and direct, that it could hardly have been missed. Respecting the other points in discussion, it was hardly possible that they could have produced a continuance of the war; for they were really not essential to the happiness and prosperity of either country. Of what moment, for example, can it be to the people of this country what portion she possesses of the Canadian deserts ? or whether the Americans participate in the Newfoundland fishery? Admit that it is a lucrative and important branch of commerce for America, will it be maintained, in the present day, that the prosperity of America is a loss to this country. The jealousy of the prosperity of other countries is among the antiquated prejudices of the last century. It took its rise in the system of politics framed by King William, which, though they were set off by the glare of battles and victories, had this unhappy consequence, that they tended to foster a jealous, and even a blind hatred of those nations which had at any time been our opponents in war; and this vicious principle tainted even the pacific policy of the country. The war of arms only gave place to the war of commercial prohibitions, and it was generally inculcated as an indisputable axiom of state policy, that all injuries inflicted on our enemies, or those who had been our enemies, were to be set down to the account our own benefit. This principle will be found to have pervaded the policy of the European states for the greater part of the last century, and Mr Pitt's commercial treaty concluded with France in the year 1786, forms the first remarkable deviation from those maxims of settled and incurable hostility. This treaty was concluded in the true spirit of peace-it was framed, according to the avowal of its author, for the express purpose of putting down that senseless animosity to foreign states, which was the reigning delusion of those times; and a better pattern for the regulation of our policy will not readily be found.

In every view in which it can be considered, peace with America may be regarded as a great event for Britain. That war, and the interruption of commerce with which it was attended, must, in spite of the peace in Europe, have operated as a serious obstacle to the advancing progress of the country; while the expences of those distant operations to which it led, by preventing any reduction of our expenditure, must have tended still farther to involve our finances, and, at all events, must have been a serious obstacle to the repeal of the property tax. No

No one who bas not well considered the condition of society in America can possibly appreciate the importance of her connection to this country. With other countries, indeed, we may maintain a very beneficial intercourse in articles of luxury and convenience. But America is connected with us by the ties of necessity. The nature of things, we may say, has decreed the unaltcrable connection in commerce of Great Britain and America, and the loss of that connection must have been deeply felt by both countries, America is the great agricultural nation of modern times. The mass of her capital is absorbed in the cultivation of the soil; and while she is spreading civilization over remote deserts, she wants capital and industry to clothe her vast and increasing population, and to provide also the materials necessary to carry on the work of civilized life. Her inhabitants, bursting forward at all points, and chasing desolation before them, are fast advancing into the interior of the Continent, whose vast and fertile valleys afford an almost unbounded field for the progress of population. For centuries to come, therefore, the Americans will be a rising people. Agriculture will be their main pursuit ; and for the produce of art and industry, they must chiefly depend on the capital of other nations. In the present state of the world, this capital will in a great measure be supplied by Britain. The progress of America, therefore, opens a vast market for the manufactures of Britain. America, carrying forward her agricultural plans with unabated ardour, looks to this country for a supply of manufactures, while the capital of this country, and the industry of her numerous artizans, finds employment in supplying the vast and increasing market of America.Thus the colonization of the New World goes on, and who that contemplates the brilliant prospects of improvement which are thus unfolded to our view, the wonderful-the complicated process of civilization, by which those results are accomplished, but must deeply regret the interruption of that connection from which blessings inesLimable flow to so great a proportion of the species. When we consider, also, how many schemes of moral improvement may be engrafted on this commercial connection, we find new reasons for exulting over the termination of the war.

As to the encouragement given to the American navy, by the right of fishery on the banks of Newfoundland, it seems quite inpusible, considering the vast extent of the American coast, to prevent a great por tion of the people from becoming sailors. America must in time be a maritime power.

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No exclusions of ours can possibly prevent it, and we do not therefore see the eminent utility of such attempts. If the Americans, however, accede to these exclusions, nothing can be said: so that they do not interrupt the peace of the two countries, let them restrictions, indeed, we do not think benefimain, seeing that they do no injury. Recial, in most cases, even to the parties for whom they are established. It would be more perhaps for the benefit of all parties concerned, that the world, both by sea and land, should be one great arena, to which the industry of all nations should have free fair and honourable competition. access, in order to fight out the battle of

As to the question so eagerly contested in some of the London newspapers, which of the two nations have done most mischief to the other in the war, we have really too much respect for the good sense of our readers to enter into such a controversy. It is not, as Mr Burke says, worth powder and shot. The war is at an end-the work of mischief has ceased. This is the thing to be rejoiced at, and the less mischief it has required to produce this happy result, the more ought we to be gratified. Peace is the great object of war. This object we have attained, and it is surely not very humane to boast at what an expense of human misery it has been purchased. As well might a surgeon who amputates a limb, boast of the pain his patient was put to by the operation.

AMERICAN CONGRESS.

Only a few days previous to the receipt of the intelligence from Ghent, a strong sensation was excited in this country by the arrival of American papers, containing a letter from Mr Monroe, the Secretary at War, to Congress, but sent under cover to Mr Troups, the Chairman of the Military Committee. It is dated Department of War, Oct. 17, and proposes that an additional force of 40,000 men be raised: so that the permanent military establishment shall comprize 100,000 regular troops; also that the corps of engineers be enlarged; and that the ordnance department be amended. This letter was accompanied by explanatory observations from Mr Monroe, which are important. The observations are prefaced by remarking, that the late dispatches from Ghent prove that it is the intention of the British Government, by striking at the principal sources of American prosperity, to diminish the importance, if not to destroy the political existence of the United States. It proceeds, "if the United States sacrifice any right, or make any dishonourable concession, the spirit of the nation will be broken,

ken, and the foundation of their independence and union shaken. The United States must relinquish no right, or perish in the struggle. There is no intermediate ground to rest on. A concession on one point leads directly to the surrender of every other. The result of the contest cannot be doubtful. It is the avowed purpose of the enemy to lay waste and destroy our cities and villages-to desolate our coast-and to press the war from Canada on the adjoining States, while attempts are made on New York city, and other important points, with a view to the vain project of dismemberment or subjugation. His scheme also embraces an attack on Louisiana State, the forcible possession of New Orleans, and the mouth of the Mississippi, which is the inlet and key to the commerce of that portion of the Union, lying westward of the Alleygany mountains. It is an object of the highest importance to provide a regular force, independently of the militia, with the means of transferring them to the menaced points. Three times the number of militia have at times been in arms that would have been required of the regulars: their periods of service are at present consumed in marching to and from their homes. To bring the war to an honourable termination, we must not be content with defending ourselves. Different feelings must be touched and apprehensions excited in the British GovernBy pushing the war into Canada, we secure the friendship of the Indian tribes, and command their services, otherwise to be turned by the enemy against us: we relieve the coast from the desolation which is intended for it, and we keep in our hands a safe pledge for an honourable peace. If the United States makes the exertion which is proposed, it is probable that the contest will soon be at an end. It cannot be doubted that it is in their power to expel the British forces from this Continent, should the British Government, by persevering in its unjust demands, make that an object with the American people.-It follows, from this view of the subject, that it will be necessary to bring into the field, next campaign, not less than 100,000 regular troops. Such a force, aided in extraordinary emergencies by volunteers and militia, will place us above all inquietude as to the final result of the contest. It will fix, on a solid and imperishable foundation, our union and independence; on which the liberties and hap piness of our fellow-citizens so essentially depend, and it will secure to the United States an early and advantageous peace."

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In consequence of Monroe's letter, three bills were ten days after in progress through Congress for increasing the military forces.

One of these bills has been compared to conscription, but in fact resembles our militia laws. It enacts that the white male population of the United States, between 18 and 45 years, shall be classed-each class to contain 25 persons, who are to provide one man to serve during the war, or be fined in the event of casualty the man is to be replaced the bounty in money and 160 acres of land to be granted to each recruit: five inhabitants furnishing a recruit are to be exempted from military duty during the

war.

OPERATIONS IN CANADA.

Canada papers to the 25th ult. have been received. A Gazette of the 17th contains an official account from Kingston of the evacuation of Fort Erie by the American troops on the 5th Nov. they having previously blown up the works of the fortress, and reduced it to ruins. The American troops immediately passed over to their own side of the Lake; but Gen. Drummond could make no use whatever of the fortress for winter quarters. The campaign on the Canadian frontier may thus be considered as closed on both sides. Gen. Brown is gone to visit his friend Chauncey at Sackett's Harbour, and Gen. Drummond has returned to Kingston.

A Canada paper says, "Every soldier now serving in this country, who relinquishes the Chelsea pension, is entitled to 200 acres of land, upon application to the Land Board at Quebec: he must, however, settle on the soil. In fact, it is a standing rule with this Government, to grant 200 acres to any person, who is a British subject, provided he settle thereon. As to officers, we know of no fixed allowance provided for them. But this much we can say, that any gentleman retiring from the army, by representing past services to his country. may have liberal grants. It was officers and soldiers discharged at the peace of 1783, who settled the now flourishing province of Upper Canada. Officers had from 500 to 12,000 acres, and soine by great favour, got much more. No soldiers, to our know. ledge, got less than 200. The Government has yet many millions of acres to concede, and when the army shall be reduced, liberal grants will be made to our veterans of all grades."

Two vessels, which recently arrived at Liverpool from Pensacola, have brought intelligence of the Americans under Gen. Jackson having entered at place. It appears that some time ago the Spaniards invited the British to take possession of Pensacola, the capital of West Florida, and to protect

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