satisfied that the African liturgy agreed in very many points with the primitive Roman, and that no material difference can be shewn between them. If this were the proper place for doing so, and if I did not fear to enlarge this dissertation too much, it would be easy to trace this conformity of the Roman and African rites through the offices of Baptism, Matrimony, &c. and to bring a large body of evidence to prove the original derivation of the African rites from those of the Roman church.

When we reflect on the patriarchal jurisdiction of the archbishop of Carthage, the resolute independence of the African churches in the third and following centuries, and their rejection of the supremacy and jurisdiction of the patriarch of Romek, we shall find it difficult to account for the identity of the African and Roman rites in any other manner, than by supposing that the first bishops of Africa were ordained at Rome, and carried thence the liturgy and ritual, which in after-ages prevailed in Africa.

tis ejus faciamus, charitatem nobis tribui per adventum sancti Spiritus postulamus: hoc suppliciter exorantes ut per ipsam charitatem, qua pro nobis Christus crucifigi dignatus est, nos quoque gratia sancti Spiritus accepta, mundum crucifixum habere, et mundo crucifigi possimus: imitantesque Domini nostri mortem, sicut Christus quod mortuus est peccato, mortuus est semel, quod autem vivit, vivit Deo, etiam nos in novitate vitæ ambulemus, et munere charitatis ac

cepto, moriamur peccato, et vivamus Deo." p. 39. "Hoc

in Patre et Filio unum simus, per unitatem gratiæ spiritualiter accipimus." This plainly shews that the African canon contained petitions which did not exist in the Roman, but it does not prove that they were originally different. The invocation of the Holy Spirit was derived from Gaul, Spain, or the East, by the African church. The petition for unity was no doubt introduced, in consequence of the schisms so prevalent in Africa.

k See all these points proved by Basnage, Hist. de l'Eglise, liv. iv. ch. 1.

ing communion', and of the thanksgiving, "post

communionem "."

This is perhaps almost all we can know about the African liturgy, and, as far as it goes, it agrees perfectly with the ancient Roman, except in the single instance of the invocation of the Holy Spirit, which was probably introduced from the east, or from Gaul and Spain. Some passages from the African Fathers have been cited, which may be imagined to refer to a liturgy different from the Roman. Thus, for instance, Tertullian and other Fathers speak of prayers for the emperor and his courth, &c.; Augustine, of prayers for infidels, catechumensi, &c. which do not appear in the ancient Roman canon. But in fact we have no proof that these prayers were used in the African canon; they may have occupied the place of the Roman collect before the lessons; and even if they did occur in the canon, it would not have constituted any material difference between the Roman and African rites, for we often find that such small additions were made in ancient liturgies, the main substance and order still remaining identicali. I am altogether

termittere quod legitimum est. Utique dixistis Pax vobiscumsalutas de pace, qui non amas." Optat. Milev. lib. iii. p. 79. Tertull. de Orat. cited in note b, p. 135.

Retractat. lib. ii. c. 11. g" Quibus peractis, et participato sancto Sacramento, gratiarum actio cuncta concludit." Epist. cxlix. ad Paulin. p. 509. tom. ii.

h Tertull. in Apolog. p.31 A. Arnob. adv. Gentes, lib. iv. sub finem.

i August. Epist. ccxvii. ad Vitalem. p. 799. tom. ii.

j Victorinus Afer, lib. i. adversus Arianos, cites the following passage from the African liturgy : "Sicuti et in oblatione dicitur, munda tibi populum circumvitalem, æmulatorem bonorum operum, circa tuam substantiam venientem." Fulgentius, in his remarks on 1 Cor. xi. 23. amongst the Excerpta published by Sirmond. p. 36. says, "Cum tempore sacrificii commemorationem mor

satisfied that the African liturgy agreed in very many points with the primitive Roman, and that no material difference can be shewn between them. If this were the proper place for doing so, and if I did not fear to enlarge this dissertation too much, it would be easy to trace this conformity of the Roman and African rites through the offices of Baptism, Matrimony, &c. and to bring a large body of evidence to prove the original derivation of the African rites from those of the Roman church.

When we reflect on the patriarchal jurisdiction of the archbishop of Carthage, the resolute independence of the African churches in the third and following centuries, and their rejection of the supremacy and jurisdiction of the patriarch of Romek, we shall find it difficult to account for the identity of the African and Roman rites in any other manner, than by supposing that the first bishops of Africa were ordained at Rome, and carried thence the liturgy and ritual, which in after-ages prevailed in Africa.

tis ejus faciamus, charitatem nobis tribui per adventum sancti Spiritus postulamus: hoc suppliciter exorantes ut per ipsam charitatem, qua pro nobis Christus crucifigi dignatus est, nos quoque gratia sancti Spiritus accepta, mundum crucifixum habere, et mundo crucifigi possimus: imitantesque Domini nostri mortem, sicut Christus quod mortuus est peccato, mortuus est semel, quod autem vivit, vivit Deo, etiam nos in novitate vitæ ambulemus, et munere charitatis accepto, moriamur peccato, et vivamus Deo." p. 39. Hoc

in Patre et Filio unum simus, per unitatem gratiæ spiritualiter accipimus." This plainly shews that the African canon contained petitions which did not exist in the Roman, but it does not prove that they were originally different. The invocation of the Holy Spirit was derived from Gaul, Spain, or the East, by the African church. The petition for unity was no doubt introduced, in consequence of the schisms so prevalent in Africa.

k See all these points proved by Basnage, Hist. de l'Eglise, liv. iv. ch. I.

It is unknown at what period the church was founded in Africa; but as Tertullian was presbyter of Carthage at the end of the second century, as the acts of the martyrdom of Perpetua and Felicitas speak of Optatus as bishop of Carthage about the year 200, and Agrippinus bishop of Carthage is said to have assembled a council of many bishops about A. D. 215; it seems probable that the church of Africa was founded some time not remote from the middle of the second century, or about the same time as the church of Gaul.

SECTION IX.

LITURGY OF GATL.

It has been long known that the ancient liturgy of Gaul differed from that of Rome, though the precise nature of the difference was unknown, until Bona and Thomasius discovered and published some ancient monuments of the Gallican liturgy. To the learned Mabillon we are indebted for a valuable commentary and observations on these remains; and at a later period, Martene published an ancient treatise on the Gallican liturgy, professing to have been written by Germanus, bishop of Paris, in the sixth century, which materially elucidates this subject c.

Mabillon traces the composition of the Gallican liturgy principally to three authors; Musæus, presbyter of Marseilles; Sidonius, bishop of Auvergne ; and Hilary, bishop of Poictiers. Had this learned writer said “missal,” instead of “ liturgy," it would probably have been more correct; for we must in the present instance, as before, distinguish between these two things. Musæus, who died after the middle of the fifth century, is said by Gennadius to have composed for Eustasius, bishop of Marseilles, an excellent and considerable book of sacraments, with lessons, psalms, and forms of supplicating God, and attesting (contestandi) his beneficenced. This word contestandi is referred by Mabillon to the ancient

a Bona, Rer. Lit. lib. i. c. 12. Thomasius, Codices Sacramentorum 900 annis vetustiores. Rom. 1680.

Paris. 1685.

c Martene, Thesaurus Anecdotorum, tom. v. p. 85, &c. d Gennadius de Viris illust