scarcely one of them that would not readily acknowledge the soundness of them. All would submit to the policy and expe'diency of its decisions, feeling that their own highest and permanent interests were involved in the act of compliance.

The other political article is on the Parliamentary Speeches of Pitt and Fox." On such a subject we should have expected a critical analysis of the elements of that transcendant eloquence, which for so many years, on one hand, directed the motions of government; and, on the other, animated the opposition. The article however is principally occupied in animadversion on the sentiments and political conduct of the anti-ministerial statesman. We should have thought this subject hardly worth so much trouble; but it seems still to possess attractions, and affords many convenient topics for general, and just enough censure. Mr. Fox's personal delinquencies having been within the view of every moralist, come in again for their share of condemnation. The higher order of virtues which adorned his character are, however, unnoticed; but this is, we presume, because they were unknown to the reviewers in common with the bulk of mankind. Whilst he is justly considered as indifferent about religion, it is insinuated, that Mr. Pitt's superiority as an orator, was in a great measure owing to the more decided tone of his feelings and habits on this subject.

The remarks made on the oratory of these two eminent characters, display the partialities of the writer: but they are in general founded in truth. For us to enter into this wide field of controversy, cannot be desirable at the present crisis, when the feelings of the nation are tremblingly alive to the movements of Government at home, and the fate of nations abroad. It has been sufficiently ascertained, whether the prospective policy of Fox or Pitt was most consonant with the rights, the interests, and the happiness of mankind. And amidst the differences of opinion that still agitate some spots on the globe, we have a firm trust, that under a benevolent Deity, a still brighter æra will yet burst upon the nations, and a new creation of beauty and order spring up to gladden and to bless the world!

We have time only to recapitulate and state, that no diversity was ever more strongly marked than that which appears in the respective characters of the three critical repositories which we have now noticed according to their seniority. They are all moral enough-the British, in one or two places, rather fastidiously so. But we repeat, that they are very far from being all religious enough. The Quarterly Review aims at being a pillar of the high-church; the British seems content to be

a prop of the low, or the lowly-church; while the Edinburgh, (except when it finds a favourable opportunity for railing at ministers, the bishops, or the methodists), proves itself to be the friend of no-church, but that which the pride of a presumptuous philosophy tells us every man's own breast ought to constitute.

In politics, the Quarterly Reviewers are tories, that is, men who, regardless of party considerations, detest the prostration of rank and dignity-who would rather be under the direction of a few superior minds, than be trampled upon by the multitude--and who are not ashamed to say they love their own country more than any other, nay, more than all others put together. The Edinburgh Reviewers, on the contrary, are whigs, that is, men who love rank, but countenance the vulgar abuse of it-who with an affectation of the utmost deference to popular opinion, yet consider nothing to be superior in importance to the petty interests of their own party-and who, from the universality of their patriotism, are pretty nearly as much attached to other nations, whether friends or foes, as to their own-and who therefore in great contests like that from which we have just emerged, never fail to do more mischief than good to their own country, by venting their party spleen, and disseminating their prejudices. Who does not know where to point both to those who in our own times have protected, and to those who have punished the abettors of misrule at home as well as abroad; to those who have counselled ignoble ease, or who have contended for vigorous resistance; to those who have never foretold any thing but calamity to their country, yet see it prosperous almost beyond example; or those who have never despaired of the public safety and national glory, and are acknowledged as the cause of the one, and the promoters of the other.

In their remarks on public affairs, the writers in the British Review are correct, and commendably loyal; they also manifest a due regard to moderation—a quality however which will not recommend them to much of the public favour in these times, when nothing that does not run into violent extremes, or at least into palpable excess, can either attract or insure the continuance of public notice. The principle, however, on which this publication proceeds in its literary discussions, is preferable to that which pervades either of the other two-its basis evidently being impartiality and truth. We like the British for its benevolent motives and its general candid complexion; we praise the Quarterly for its firmness in the midst of alarming fluctuations,

and the services it must have done the country in supporting those by whom the country has been saved; we admire the Edinburgh for the spirit of enquiry which it has awakened throughout the kingdom; and whilst we declare our abhorrence of many of its principles, we assure our readers that, of all profane books, this is the one with which we shall dispense the last.

Public Affairs.

AT the close of a War, unavoidable in its commencement— more eventful in its progress-and more glorious in its result than any in which England has ever been engaged, the British Parliament has assembled, to apply its collective wisdom to the new order of things which a Peace purchased by such sacrifices as this country has been compelled to make, could not but produce. With great propriety does the speech with which Parliament was opened, congratulate its members on "the restoration of Peace to Europe;" and ascribe that blessing, under Providence, to "the intimate union that has happily subsisted 'between the Allied Powers;" since to that, as is truly said, "the nations of the Continent have twice owed their deliverance." Having so owed it, nothing can be more natural — nothing more politic-nothing more just, than that the restorers should in concert take all due precautions against the interruption of that peace, which it has cost such seas of blood, such heaps of treasure, to obtain. The importance of maintaining the great alliance, and of cementing its bonds by every reasonable concession, is too evident to allow us, for a moment, to doubt that Parliament will justify the confidence reposed in it by the Prince Regent, and the country, by cordially co-operat

ing in such proceedings as may be necessary for carrying into effect the measures necessary for the general welfare.

Copies of the treaties into which his Majesty's ministers have entered with the several allied powers, having been laid before the two houses, it will be their first duty to ascertain whether they answer the description given of them by Government, and whether the negotiators have, on good and justifiable terms, effectually surmounted every difficulty thrown in the way of a permanent settlement of the affairs of Europe. If they do answer that description, and if the negotiators be found to have acted wisely, it will then be the duty of the two houses to devise the most prompt and efficacious means to enable Government to fulfil the engagements they have concluded. But for this purpose, the pecuniary resources of the country must be taxed to a much greater degree than an ordinary peace establishment could possibly require. As we live, however, in extraordinary times, we must expect to be called upon for extraordinary exertions: and the main question will be, how those exertions can be made, so as to produce the greatest good to the community, with the least inconvenience to individuals.

The Prince Regent's speech informs us, that "the Manufactures, Commerce, and Revenue of the United Kingdom, are in a flourishing condition." This is cheering intelligence; and most sincerely do we wish that it may prove every way correct; though, with respect to manufactures and foreign trade, we cannot but have our doubts. But the speech contains another intimation, to which Parliament must have listened with no less satisfaction; whilst in the name of the Regent it assures them, that they may rely on every disposition on his part to coneur in such measures of economy, as may be found consistent with the security of the country, and with that station which we occupy in Europe." Proud is that station" high is the character, which this country has acquired amongst the nations of the world," and we rejoice at both; and whilst we do so, we trust that neither will ministers forget the pledge they have thus publicly given; nor their opponents consider any expence unnecessary, that does not exceed the bounds thus fitly set to national economy. But if we may judge from the complexion of The debates which have already taken place, this is by no means likely to be the case. Ministers, however, seem to possess so decided a majority in both houses, and from the manner in

By shutting up the Trench at home, we have lost half cur continental customers, the other half cannot pay; and the Americans neither can nor will pay.

which they have conducted the war, stand so far above the op position in public opinion, that it will evidently be their own fault, if every measure called for by the exigencies of the times be not adopted. Hitherto they have managed matters at their pleasure; the address was carried in both houses, in the one without a division, and in the other by a great majority. In the Lords, it was moved by the Marquis of Huntly, who availed himself of so favourable an opportunity of paying the tribute of his applause to the consummate skill of the illustrious commander of our army on the Continent. Of those, who by a judicious and energetic application of the resources of the country, had enabled that illustrious commander to atchieve those deeds of glory, which have done so much honour to the country, his lordship also spoke in terms of high and merited approbation. He was seconded by Lord Calthorpe; and on the question being put, Lord Grenville, with a readiness and candour highly creditable to him, declared that "there was not one word either in the Speech or the Address, of which he did not cordially approve." He very truly represented "the restoration of that Government in France, which it had been deprived of by a military domination," as by far the most likely. means of continuing the peace so happily concluded, and made use of an expression, which conveys in a few words, the sentiments, and points out the duty of every genuine patriot, namely, "that it was prominently his view and desire, that the country should meet its situation with fortitude and firmness." These are the principles of the school in which his lordship was educated, and from which he can never swerve, without bringing an imputation on his superior judgment. To their truth and justice, the Marquis of Lansdowne gave his tacit, though reluctant assent. But not so Lord Holland, of whose hereditary prejudices, habitual associations, and declarations both public and private, we know too much to expect that he should think the overthrow of Buonaparte-the restoration of the Bourbons-and the precautions taken to guard against another counter-revolution, objects of imperious necessity. At the same time, like his deceased relative, of whose exploded political principles he is so tenacious, he was too well aware of the weakness of his party, (if party he can be said to have,) to expose them to a division, which could only show the insignificance of their number.

In the Commons, things passed not quite so smoothly, but Ministers must have been satisfied with the result of this first trial of their opponents' strength. The address was moved by Sir Thomas Acland, in a speech, confessed, on all hands, to be