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240

THE OPENING OF THE NEW ERA.

should always be opposed to it." It is difficult to realise that Mr Cobbett—a praiser of times past, a hater of State intervention, a despiser of French philosophy--was the advanced reformer of his day. One does not usually couple such opinions with the conceptions of reform. Mr Joseph Hume opposed the grant on the somewhat reasonable ground that it was too small to constitute a national system, and without such a system there was no justification for the grant. In the division on the grant he acted as one of the tellers for the Noes'. The form of vote was as follows: "That a Sum, not exceeding Twenty thousand pounds, be granted to His Majesty, to be issued in aid of Private Subscriptions for the Erection of School Houses, for the Education of the Children of the Poorer Classes in Great Britain, to the 31st day of March 1834; and that the said sum be issued and paid without any fee or other deduction whatsoever." The vote of £20,000 appears in the Revenue Act, 18333, as a grant for the erection of school houses in Great Britain.

The birth of modern State-aid for education.

With this beginning may conveniently end an introduction to the history of English education in its relationship to the State. The method by which this grant was distributed by the Lords of the Treasury cannot be dealt with here. It belongs to the history of the important period from 1833 to 1839 and requires elaborate treatment. The year 1833 is the dividing point between the old education and the new. August 17th, 1833, was the first date on which the monies of Parliament were voted for elementary educational purposes in Great Britain. An important and historic precedent had been set, and from that moment the House of Commons, amid all its drifting and irresolution, never turned back.

1 Hansard, vol. xx. cols. 732-737.

2 Commons Journal, vol. LXXXVIII. pp. 692, 693.
3 3 & 4 Will. IV. c. 96, s. 17.

APPENDIX I.

THE TEXT OF THE GLOUCESTER GRAMMAR SCHOOL

CASE, 1410.

Les Reports del Cases en Ley, que furent argues en le temps de tres Haut et Puissant Princes les Roys Henry le IV. & Henry le V.......London......MDCLXXIX.......

De Termino Hillarii. Anno xi. Henrici IIII. page 47. Case 21. Trespas. Action sur le case 28 F. & 42 B.1

"Deux Masters de Grammer Schole porterent briefe de Trespas vers un auter Master, et counta que lou le collacion de Grammer Schole de Gloucester de temps d'ont memory ne court, etc. appertient al Prior de Lantone juxta Gloucester, le dit Prior aver fait collacion as dit plaintiffes, d'aver le governance des dits Escholers, et d'enformer les enfants et auters, etc. la ad le defendant levy un Eschole en meme le ville, per que lou les plaintiffes soloient prendre d'un enfant per le quarter xl. d. ou ii. s. ore ils ne preigne forsque xii. d. as damage, etc. ¶ Horton fist plein defence.

Till. [? Tickill] Son briefe ne vault riens. ¶ Skrene. Il est bon Action sur le case, et les plaintiffes ont ore monstre sufficient matter coment ils sont en damage, per que, etc. ¶ Hank. [William de Hankeford] Dampnum (puit estre) absque injuria, Come si j'ay un Molyn, et mon vicine leve un auter Molyn, peront le profite de mon Molyn est diminish, j'averre nul action vers luy, uncore il est damage a moy, quod Thir. [William Thirning] concessit, et dit, que enformacion des enfantes est chose espirituel, et si home reteigne un Master en son meason d'enformer les enfants, il serroit damage al

1 This is the side-note. The references are to Fitzherbert's and Brooke's Abridgements.

242 THE GLOUCESTER GRAMMAR SCHOOL CASE, 1410.

Common Master del ville, uncore jeo croy que il n'aver my action.

Skrene. Le Master de Paul's claime que ils ne serroient auters Masters en tout le City de Londres, forsque eux. Et puis Horton demande judgement si le Court voillent conustre ¶ Skrene. Vous estes passe, Et puis T Horton Demurre que l'action ne suit mye meintenu. Skrene. Entant que nous voillons averrer le title le Prior, ut supra, et que nous summes en dammage, pur ceo que il ad retretes nos Escholers, et ensement lou nous solomus prender d'un Escholer xl. d. ou ii. s. per le quarter, ore nous ne prendromus forsque xii. d. nous demaundomus judgement, et priomus nous damage. Hill. [Robert]. Il fault foundement en cest case de mainteiner l'action, pur ceo que les plaintiffes n'aver nul estate, mes un ministery pur le temps, et coment que un auter, que est auxibien apris de faculty come les plaintiffes sont, vient pur enformer les enfants, c'est vertuous et charitable chose, et ease al people, pur que il ne puit estre puny per nostre ley, per que, etc.

Thirn[ing]. Si le Prior poiast aver tiel Collacion des Escholes ou nient, cest court ne puit my conustre, pur ceo que le doctrine et enformation des enfants est chose espiritual, et donques les plaintiffes ont claime les Escholes per le collacion le Prior, et sur cel ont foundue lour action, que est accessory, et depende sur le title le Prior, que est le principal et chose espiritual, il semble que cest action ne puit estre trie en cest Court. Skrene. Si un Market soit levy al nusance de mon Market, j'avera assise d'anusans, et en un commen case si les venants a mon Market soient disturbes ou batus, per que jeo perds mon tolne, j'avera assets bon action de trespas sur mon case, auxy icy. ¶ Hank[eford]. Nient semble, pur ceo que en vostre case vous aves franktenement et enheritance en le Market, mes icy le[s] plantiffes ont nul estate en le Scholemastership, etc. mes pur le temps non certein, et il sera encounter reason, que un Master serra disturbe a tenir Schole on luy pleist, sinon que le fuit en case ou un University fuit corporate, et Escholes foundus sur auncient temps, et en case d'un molyn (come jeo disoy avant) si mon vicine levy un molyn, auters que soloient moulder a mon molyn, alent a l'auter molyn, peront mon tolne est amenus, pur cel cause jeo n'avera my action: Mes si un moliner disturbe l'ewe de courger a mon molyn, ou face tiel maner de nusance, j'avera action, sicome le ley donne. Et l'opinion del Court fuit, que le briefe ne gist my: Per que fuit agarde, que ils ne pristeront riens, etc.: eins, etc."

APPENDIX II

THE ENDOWMENT OF SCHOOLS BETWEEN 1660 AND 1730 (WITH STATISTICAL TABLES).

THE figures in the Table of Schools given below are calculated from the undigested Digest of Schools and Charities for Education as reported on by the Commissioners of Inquiry into Charities presented to Parliament in 1842. Table I. here constructed shows the total number of endowed grammar schools and "Schools not Classical" in England and Wales. The totals for each county are given. The total number of grammar schools for the whole country according to this report is 701, while the total number of "Schools not Classical" is 2194, making a final total of 2895 endowed schools in England and Wales. The period 1660-1730 is next analysed. During that period 172 grammar schools were founded, and 51 grammar schools previously founded received additional endowments. Thus a number approaching one-third of the grammar schools that existed in 1842 were either founded or additionally endowed in the period 1660-1730. A much larger proportion of the existing endowed elementary schools owe their existence to the same period. During that period 905 endowed unclassical schools were founded, and 72 endowed unclassical schools previously founded received additional endowments. Thus a number approaching onehalf of the elementary endowed schools of England and Wales (the decimal, to be more exact, is 445...) were either founded or additionally endowed in the period 1660–1730, while 412 of all the endowed elementary schools were actually founded in the period.

These figures are not complete. Some of the 168 elementary schools with "unknown" foundations and of the schools that have their origin in undated wills or deeds may be referred to this period, and the same may be said with respect to undated additional endow

244 CHARITY SCHOOLS AND ENDOWED SCHOOLS. ments. On the other hand while the number of schools founded or additionally endowed in the period 1660-1730 exceeds the numbers given, the proportions to the total number of foundations are smaller than is indicated above, as the information contained in the 1842 Digest is very incomplete and misleading with respect to foundations of the sixteenth and earlier centuries. It is therefore impossible at present to make an absolute estimate of the proportion of the endowed schools of England founded before 1842 that were founded between 1660 and 1730.

The vigour of the educational movement in England in these seventy years is further exhibited in the remarkable number of charities for education not attached to endowed schools that were founded in this period. Table II. given below is a Digest of these unattached charities as they appear in the undigested Digest of Schools and Charities of 1842 from which Table I. is compiled. The total number of these charities in England and Wales in 1842 was 2170, and of these no less than 655 were founded between 1660 and 1730. This fact is evidence that the educational movement was vigorous along lines that were quite independent of the charity school movement. The rapid creation of charity schools was in itself significant; and as a movement it must be regarded as in a great measure independent of the extraordinarily rapid foundation of elementary endowed schools. Doubtless the movements overlapped, but as the foundation of charity schools (apart from Gouge's schools) did not begin before 1699 it is clear that all the elementary endowed foundations before that date belong to an independent source, and probably no very large proportion of the 1658 charity schools that had sprung into existence by the year 1739 (see pp. 201, 202 supra) belonged to the 905 elementary endowed schools (see pp. 189, 190 supra) founded between 1660 and 1730. Allowing a considerable margin for overlapping we arrive finally at the result that in the period between 1660 and 1730 above 2,500 schools of all classes were founded in England and Wales, that over 100 schools received supplementary endowments, and that 650 unattached educational charities were created. It would not be possible to give a reasonably adequate explanation for such a movement without a lengthy analysis of the economic and social conditions of England that would be out of place here. Buckle's History of Civilization in England, vol. I. pp. 348–396, supplies valuable material for such an analysis.

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