sort of persons, but whose goodness is unprincipled, and appears to arise solely from a regard to external decorum, or, what is called, the saving of appearances. And this motive, poor and contemptible as it is, in comparison with rational principles arising from conviction, is very often the only avowed motive for the regular performance of all external duties; but more particularly of those which concern religion. The following imaginary transaction will, perhaps, suggest an idea of that poor and political decency which it is thought a very extraordinary effort of virtue to maintain. Let us then invent a scene of fiction by way of exemplification.

"We must have a Fast Day soon," says the Statesman, "for the Americans have had one already." "It is unnecessary," replies the Privy Counsellor in the jockey dress, aiming at a wretched pun, "it is all a farce." "Between friends," subjoins the Statesman, "I am not fonder of such formalities than you are; but you know it is decent, and we must conform, externally at least, to the prejudices of the mob." "It is decent, my Lord," reechoes the bench of Bishops.

66

“There is a Sermon preached to-day before the House of Lords," says a member; True," says another, “but I vote it a Bore; and besides, I am engaged to see a fine bitch pointer that I think of buying;" Well," resumes the other, but let us make a party of two or three to church because it is decent." "We beg, my Lords," softly whispers an episcopal voice," you would not put yourselves to the smallest inconvenience, for half a dozen of us have determined, though we have a thousand engagements, to postpone them an hour or two for the sake of decency. Decency, my Lord, must supersede every consideration." "Will you go to church, my Lord Duke?" says one, lowly bowing to

his patron, "No; I think it decent, but you will be there on that account; and as I am engaged to-day at billiards, I must beg to be excused: -but I hope there will be enough there to make a decent appearance."

Among the gay senators of the British empire it has been observed, that very few, of late, have displayed in this instance even that subordinate virtue of which we speak, a regard to external decency. Westminster Abbey, indeed, is not a place to be frequented for pleasure by those who chiefly shine in the stand at a horserace. One or two officers however do attend a sermon officially, and a few others for the sake of decency; but the knowing ones consider the whole business, to express their own ideas in their own language, as a cursed lounge. This business, therefore, and many others of a most solemn, sacred, and venerable nature, being considered merely as encumbrances by the jolly part, which is the greater part, they are utterly neglected, or attended by a few only, whose interest compels them to have a regard to decency.

Our religion teaches us to separate one day out of seven for religious purposes. But many of the wise men who were born to be our English Solons and Licurgi, or, in other words, who happen to be descended from peers, and therefore sit as hereditary legislators, consider the institution merely as a foolish superstition, and therefore spend the Sabbath, like the charming people abroad, at cards and in dissipation, and very much lament those gross prejudices of the common people, which render it decent and prudent not to open the theatres, and enliven the horrid dulness of the Seventh Day by public diversions. Even mighty good sort of people, as they are usually called, hesitate not to confess, that a regard to external decency is one of the

chief motives of their regular conduct in observing the Sabbath, and other virtuous practices of our forefathers.

It would not be difficult to trace this motive of decency in many of the apparent virtues, which display themselves with no little ostentation in every department of human life. But it is really better to pay that deference to virtue which arises from assuming the appearances, than by impudent and avowed contempt of it, to injure others by the example. To have merely a regard to decency in common life, and in a wicked and unprincipled age, becomes, in some degree, virtuous. We will not, therefore, expose this unsound virtue to severe censure, except when it appears in religion, where, whatever appearances are insincere, constitute hypocrisy of a most detestable kind; hypocrisy, founded on self-interest. It is the man of decent character (and with this view alone he is decent), who rises to preferment, and then laughs in his lawn sleeves at the humble Christian in tattered crape, who is too sincere to be political, too sound in the inner man to want or admit the varnish of the whited sepulchre.

Pope has said, that Secker was decent, and that Rundle had a heart. Whether the censure or the praise was just is not mine to determine. All I shall remark on the passage is, that though decency may smooth the way to courts, and insinuate itself into the highest seats of preferment, it is a heart only which is capable of deriving, from the success, a pure and solid satisfaction. Though decency without sincerity may be approved by narrow politicians, and even gain the applause of the multitude by deceiving them, yet let not the hypocrite triumph, but remember that there is one before whom all hearts are open, all desires known, and from whom no secrets are hidden.

No. CXXI.

On the Animosities occasioned in the Country by the Game Laws.

In a late paper on the disagreements of a country neighbourhood, I purposely omitted one of the most fruitful causes of them, intending to consider it in a paper by itself, consistently with its extensive and important operation. I believe it will be allowed by all who have made remarks, that the. individuals of this nation are more seriously and inveterately divided by disputes about the Game than by controversies, which make much more noise in the world, on the subjects of politics or religion. What remains among us of savageness and brutality is chiefly preserved by the mean and selfish greediness of those who possess a thousand peculiar advantages, and who yet meanly contend for an exclusive right to destroy the Game; that usufructuary property, which the Creator intended to be possessed by the first occupant, like the air, light, and water.

Some restraints however of that kind, which tend to prevent the poor labourer from (wasting his valuable time, might, perhaps, be neither unjust nor, in any respect, attended with inconvenience. But the Game Laws, as they now subsist in England, are a disgrace to the noble fabric of our free constitution. They are illiberal in their nature; they originated in slavery, and they lead to tyranny. It is remarked by Burn, and the great commentator on our legal system, that, in one statute only for the preservation of Game, there are not less than six blunders in Grammar, besides other mistakes; so that one is led to conclude, that this part of our boasted code

was drawn up by a committee of boorish country esquires and stupid fox-hunters. Indeed, the whole body of the Game Laws is replete with perplexity, absurdity, and contradiction. What can be more ridiculous than that the legislature of a mighty empire should require one hundred a year as a qualification to shoot a poor partridge, and only forty shillings to vote for a Senator? "There is another offence," says Blackstone, "so constituted by a variety of acts of parliament, which are so numerous, and so confused, and the crime itself of so questionable a nature, that I shall not detain the reader with many observations thereupon. And yet it is an offence which the sportsmen of England seem to think of the highest importance; and a matter, perhaps the only one, of general and national concern: associations having been formed all over the kingdom to prevent its destructive progress; I mean the offence of destroying such beasts and fowls as are ranked under the denomination of Game." Upon the whole, it may be truly said, that an Englishman, who has a regard for the honour of his country, and sense enough to see the mean and arbitrary spirit of the Game Laws, and the nonsense of the Letter, must hide his face in confusion when he considers how much time and attention has been spent upon them by the British Legislature.

Rural diversions certainly constitute a very pleasing and proper amusement for all ranks above the lowest. Every man who has a just claim to the title of gentleman, or, indeed, who is capable of spending his time in amusement without injuring the public or his own family, ought to be suffered to partake of them. If he gives up his hours, his labour, and his thoughts to the pursuit, he has earned a right to the object, since the object is of a nature which cannot be appropriated while alive and

VOL. III.

C