hope to my felf of accomplishing the object by the means of continental league. The noble Lord fays there are fymptoms of confederation; fymptoms, my Lords! we want more than fymptoms; we must have fomething more exprefs, fomething more folid to rely upon before we can expect that Europe can be delivered from its dangers, and the world have redress: We are told of the vigour manifested by Ruffia and the Porte. It is impoffible, my Lords, to hear this prefented to the people of England as a ground of confidence and hope without aftonishment. What! a conjunction between the Ruffians and the Turks? it is impoffible to fpeak of fo monftrous an idea without ridicule. We all know that their mutual diftruft and jealoufy exceed that of all other nations. It is hereditary; the child fucks it in with his mother's milk; it is made a part of their education, and becomes a habit of their nature. We all know that the family upon the throne of the Ruffias, have uniformly cherished the notion, that Conftantinople is to be a part of their inheritance. With this view what is the name they have given to the fecond for, the brother of the prefent Emperor? It has always been their politics, and I fear that it is not likely to be abandoned at a moment the most favourable to its views. And is it from a coalition of this fort that we are to derive hopes of vigorous operation against France? We do not argue like politicians, if we yield ourselves to fo falfe an imagination.

If Ruffia be in earnest, why do not we hear of the other northern powers coming forward and joining in the league; that might render it formidable. As to the Grand Signior, what is the Ottoman Porte? Do we not know that the most helplefs of all the countries upon earth is Turkey. The united concurrence of every hiftorian the most recent, and the more convincing teflimony of facts, prove that they are not merely incapable of all external operations, but even of domestic defence, and in a state of universal infubordination. Have they not been even now defeated in more than thirty attacks upon one rebellious Pacha? They are incapable of refifting the rebellion of a fubje&t! Is it from fuch a country that we can look for vigorous co-operation, or is it upon fuch a league that we can fately repofe? My Lords, the experience that we have had ought to teach us diftruft; it ought to imprefs upon our minds a conviction of the hollow principle upon which combinations. of this kind are formed. When we fee a Court fo little actuated by motives of honour and juftice as to forfeit its obligations, can we afterwards have confidence in its fidelity? In private life what would you fay of a man who was even tardy or negligent in difcharging his debts? If any of your

Lord

fhips fhould advance to a man in neceffity a fum of money to enable him to carry on a juft claim to eftates that were withheld from him, and by fuch fuccour he fucceeded in his law-fuit, would you not fay, that his firft duty was to repay the noble Lord the fum he had borrowed with gratitude for the aid by which he had been faved from ruin, and what term of reproach would not be his due, if he should fail in this act of juftice? My Lords, what is true of an indiviual is true of a Court. You have affifted the great powers of the Continent; one of them contracted large engagements with you, and was enabled, through your means, to make valuable acquifitions. I do not find from his Majefty's fpeech that that power has come forward to difcharge its obligations. I do not find that that power has given any affurance that he will repay the loan which he railed under the guarantee of the British Government, and therefore I fay again, my Lords, that even if a new combination fhould be made with Courts that have only hitherto looked to their own diftinct and individual ob. jects, and who have deferted the common caufe the inftant that they had obtained fome miferable acquifition to themfelves, we can have no profpect of advantage from fuch a league. Nay, my Lords, if the jealoufies of thefe great powers fhould again be ftifled for the moment, I thould not think it all that was neceffary to the combined movement of Europe against France. I should demand the concurrence and the exertion of the northern powers alfo. It is material that the powers of the Baltic fhould join in the confederacy; but I fee nothing of all this, and yet we are told, that we are to continue the war upon the ground of hollow and disjointed combination, and that combination neither general nor difinterefted. Are they lefs fenfible of their danger than we are? Are they lefs liable to feel the atrocity of the French fyftem? It furely will not be faid that they are. The protection that we derive from our marine, from our infular fituation, from public opinion, make us certainly more fecure than any kingdom on the Continent; and when we fee that they make use of us only for their own ends; that, however folemn their engage ments, they defert us without a ftruggle of confcience, and make their peace whenever they have made their acquifition, can we again entangle ourfelves with fuch confederates? I anticipate the reply to all this, "How can we made peace? After repeated trials it has been hewn that it is impoffible to negociate with the French Directory." Your Lordships know my opinion upon this; I do not defire that his Majefty's Government fhould humiliate itfelf; I have always given my opinion on'

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what I conceive to be the proper and becoming manner for a great country like this to act. I do not know what may now be the difpofition of the French Directory towards peace; I have no means of knowing it. When I had reafon to believe there was a difpofition and an opening, I did not fail to give my opinion and advice. Their repeated trials, they fay, have failed; they know beft whether they ought to have failed. I do not wish to exasperate; if they were fincere, I only lament they did not take the most dignified course, nor that the most likely to obtain the end. If the advances hitherto made by minifters were fincere, I must fay they were ill imagined and worse conducted; and if infincere, this country was involved in difgrace, and laid open to the reproaches of all Europe. The course that I have always recommended is that which is open and unequivocal. I would have your Lordships to fhew by your conduct, that you feek for no other object than fecurity and peace; that you will fupport the Government, who fhall act upon this fingle principle; and let it be made manifcft to all the world, that England looks to nothing elfe. It is particularly dignified to make this declaration in the moment of conquest. I have faid, that I do not know how the French Directory may be now difpofed; but I know that it can never be unseasonable to make the avowal of your system. Political fituations are always changing; every fix months produces a new æra, and gives rife to new ideas in ftates, as well as in individuals. The France of this day, is not the France of three years ago, or even of last year; and therefore, however difpofed they were upon the last experiment, it is now worth the trial. I do not mean that you should fend to beg, or to offer it, but choose the moment of victory to make it manifeft, that you look to nothing elfe; and that you are conftantly ready and prepared to make it. After fuch declaration fhould they refuse it, our courfe is clear and fafe. Let us lay afide all idle plans of conqueft and acquifition which we cannot maintain, witnefs Corfica and St. Domingo, which we had captured and found it expedient to give up, and let us only think of cheap and economical defence. Let us refuse our affent to all Continental intrigues, in which it is likely that the French will out-manœuvre us, for it is clear, that in all the progrefs of their fyftem, they have gained full as much by intrigue as they have by arms. To all fuch intrigues this country ought to be a ftranger, and all combinations which have intrigue for their origin, are as much againft the intereft of Great Britain, as they are against thofe of humanity. The powers that combine. with you for felfifh purposes, are only true to their engage

ments

ments against France until they have fucceeded in their views, and then they become French in their turn. The Directory know this, and take their advantage of it; they are not weak enough to dread the confederacies that are made of fuch materials, for that which has been accomplished by corruption and bribery, they know may be counteracted by the fame means. We ought to be above the meannefs of this crooked course. No man feels the high fituation of this country more than I do; and we ought to reap the advantages of that fituation. Let us display a difinterefted fpirit in our fyftem; and above all, mark our character by moderation. It is the policy, and it ought to be the pride of this country. At home the Crown has gained every thing; it cannot, and it ought not to look for any further acceffion of power. Oppofition has disappeared, fome fay it is dead and buried, and that Oppofition, as a party, is no more. I am told fo, but I speak of it without any perfonal knowledge. I never was a party man; but if Oppofition be dead and buried, it is a great opportunity for the Crown to take fuch high and advantageous ground, by fecuring popular opinion, to prevent the growth of all party again. The prefent is a moft favourable moment for fecuring the unanimity which now prevails. To conciliate popular opinion ought to be the great object. The attachment of the people is ftronger and more valuable than a hundred parties. By keeping down the expences, by introducing economy and order into every department of the ftate, by putting an end to corruption and influence, you can prevent the revival of party, you will reap the true advantages of your present situation. Ifhall certainly think it my duty to give my support to every vigorous measure that shall serve to put the country into a ftill more advantageous pofition. I think it right and political, that by one great operation of finance, you fhall keep down thofe irkfome, petty, and unproductive exactions which fret and disturb mens minds, and create an irritation which would again favour the views of faction. It is your duty, my Lords, to fupport a great and liberal plan that fhall fet the Government above the neceffity of petty fhifts. You ought to be fwilled with patronage; it has gone more than its proper length, and in order to preferve the union which the courfe of events has fo happily brought about, you ought to join in any extenfive and difinterested plan, by which the country fhall learn that you are actuated by a zeal proportionate to your high condition in the ftate. I shall certainly think it my duty to support the Government in this course, always referving to myfelf my longing after peace. Rumour has talked of vari

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ous ftrong measures, that were likely to be brought forward; among others an union with Ireland. Strong as that meafure would be, I may be brought to give it my fupport. It depends altogether upon what principle fuch an union is built. Every, even the pooreit politician knows, that two bodies brought together and made to act as one man, has more ftrength, and can effect more than two that are feparate; but it refts nevertheless on the principle of union, whether two bodies can be brought to act as one. If built on public opinion, every advantage of fuch a junction may reasonably be expected. If it were to be a Government of Influence, corruption and all it's confequences mult neceffarily be the refult, and God knows Ireland has feverely felt fuch confequences already. I throw out this to fhew, that I am ready to give Minifters any fupport to extricate the country, and to carry on a defenfive war, and to prove that I am confcious that ftrong measures must be taken. I repeat my recommendation of moderation, and of that which I confider as the wifeft means of ufing our late victories, viz. in the obtainment of a fpeedy peace fo much wanted by the country, fince whatever may be faid to the contrary, our refources notoriously ftand in need of repose to recover themfelves. I think that we are come to that point in our hiftory, when we must refume the good fenfe of our ancestors, and govern by public opinion, not by bribery, patronage and corruption. When instead of looking merely to great families, we must look to the people, and when, inftead of the grafp and range of influence, we mufi truft to the economy with which every branch of the Government is adminiftered. So much for our home affairs. With refpect to our external pofition, I repeat it, my Lords, that you have but one practicable courfe; and it is, to declare that you will fteadily, through a cheap defenfive fyftem, look only to attain a folid, perinanent, and honourable peace.

Lord Romney rofe to remark, that the Noble Marquis had in the courfe of his fpeech made fome adverfe obfervations, which he did not think the occafion or the day warranted. He could not fee why it was neceffary to diminith the exultation which Lord Nelfon's glorious Victory must excite in every breaft, by fevere redections on the conduct of Minifters. He thought his Majefty's fervants deferved the grateful thanks of their Lordthips and the Country, for the wife, vigilant, and able manner in which they had conducted the war during the fummer, and was furprized to hear a word faid that day to their disadvantage.

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