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The Noble Marquis who spoke laft alluded to the opiion of the people on the fubject of the late negociation for peace between this country and France; and he ftated how effential it was that the opinion of the people should be with his Majefty's Minifters, and that they fhould think them fincere. Whether the negociation was well conducted or not on our part, I will not pretend (faid his Lordship) to determine, becaufe I do not feel that I am competent to fuch a determination, but forming an opinion as well as I am able, I must fay, because I feel, that it was well conducted. I am fure it had the effect of convincing the people of England that his Majelly's Minifters were fincere.

We hear much faid of the misfortunes of the present war, and there are fome who continually call it "this unfortunate war." It is unfortunate, certainly, my Lords, on account of the expence with which it is attended; but taking that out of the confideration, which I think we ought to do, for it is unavoidable, then I would fay that this country never carried on any war that was more fuccefsful than the present.

As to the obfervations that are made upon fpeeches from the Throne, and how little reliance is to be placed on promifes that may be there held forth, and the inconveniences that may arise from your Lordships remaining still until treaties are concluded. I can only fay that fuch is the courfe of things under the very nature of our Government. Your Lordships can have nothing but fymptoms of alliances hinted in fpeeches from the 1 hrone until treaties are actually concluded; for until then, no regular information comes before this Houfe, and therefore, you can have nothing but the information which is conveyed to you by the speech from the Throne, which fpeech your Lordships have a right to make obfervations upon, because it is always confidered as the speech of the Minister.

The noble Marquis afks, what there is in the condition of Turkey to make that power the fubject of our hope? What there is that may be faid to have been fuccefsful with regard to them? I can only fay, that they have lately been very fuccefsful, for they have feen their errors with regard to their conduct towards France, they now fee they ought long ago to have oppofed the French with the utmoft vigour. They have now opened their eyes, and they are determined to act with vigour. They have feen that this country is true to its engagements, and they now wifh to form new alliances.

The Emperor Paul is alfo taken notice of in the fpeech

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from the Throne; his character, I believe, deserves praisehe is indeed different from his predeceffor Catharine; his fyftem of internal policy is moderation; he does not wifh people to be kept in dungeons. I have no doubt but that a prince fo remarkable for virtue will be faithful to his engagements, and therefore, I confefs, I am glad of the alliance between him and this country.

I have heard a rumour, that Denmark and Sweden are arming, and that the other Powers are making great preparations; I hope the rumour is true. If Europe had made a common cause against the French, they would long ago have been fuccefsful, and the Great Nation must have given way to them; but it is not yet too late, and I cannot help thinking that the conteft in which we are engaged, is now more favourable than ever it was before this time.

With regard to our finances, I fee nothing to alarm us; nor are thofe who are fuppofed to see these points pretty clearly, at all in a ftate of defpondency, for the funds are higher than they have been for a confiderable time. We poffefs great advantages at this moment; the leading one is, that we are now an united and a vigorous people, and I hope we fhall at last arrive at a safe and an honourable peace. The noble Marquis has faid, that we ought to abandon the further pursuit of conqueft; that we could not keep them when made; that we had given up Corfica, and St. Domingo. True, we have given up Domingo; but have we given up St. Lucie or Martinique, the Cape of Good Hope, or the Spice Inlands? I do not know that we have yet thought of giving any of thefe up, but I will not pretend to judge of the policy of giving fome places up and of retaining others; fome we may give up, because they are found to be untenable. I do not pretend to know the confequence of these that have been given up; thefe are points which I leave to the wifdom of his Majesty's Minifters; they, in my opinion, ought to decide thefe points for us, because they have the beft means for forming correct judgments. I do not feel myself competent to decide upon them, but I give my hearty affent to the Addrefs.

Lord Holland faid, in some respects he must differ from his Noble Friend near him, who had fo well defcribed the impracticability of any junction between Pruffia and Auftria, although he recommended another combination upon more honeft principles. So far was he from recommending any further Continental connections, that he thought our influence hitherto operating upon the German Courts had been

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the great caufe of all the mifchief that had taken place, and of the mortifying fituation in which the Continental States in alliance with the French Republic found themselves at this moment. Promifes have been from time to time held forth to us, and which have been from time to time almoft uniformly broken, that I own, however gratifying it might be to my feelings if I could, I cannot agree in all the fentiments which were conveyed to your Lordships in the speech from the Throne to-night, and which are repeated in the Addrefs which is now before you. I am under the neceffity of taking notice of fome parts of the fentiments of the noble Lords who moved and feconded the Addrefs; I will allow to thofe noble Lords all they can defire in the argument, I will confider all the victories we have gained, as additions to the national credit and honour; for no man can be more willing than myself to dwell with pleasure on the victories of our country; I will allow that whenever our naval force has met that, of the enemy, we have, without a fingle exception, been fuccefsful; yet, with all thefe advantages, I confefs it appeared to me, that the noble Lords who moved and feconded the Addrefs, failed to prove that, which it was their great object to eftablith, namely, that the next combination of the powers of Europe will procure for this country an advantageous peace. I have already faid, that no man can rejoice more incerely than myself at our late victory; but then, my Lords, let us look what ufe is likely to be made of it. If the only advantage which we are to gain by it, be merely to revive the horrors of war. If Minifters intend only to avail themselves of this opportunity, to fpread the devaftations of war over the furface of the globe, more generally than has hitherto been done; I own, I do not fee any reafon for exultation, I confefs it has appeared to me for fome time, that this is the difpofition of his Majesty's Ministers, instead of making it, the means of obtaining that which alone is the first object of all war; namely, peace. Would to God, my Lords, that fuch were the views of Minifters! but it is impoffible to fuppofe that fuch is their serious intention The very language of the fpeech holds out a contrary fentiment. We hear indeed of the powerful effect of a new confederacy; it is held out to you now in the fpeech from the throne; but this is not the first time you have heard from the throne, of the probable effect of a powerful confederacy against France; VOL. I. 1798.

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and I wish to know what there is now in your fituation, which fhould induce you to think that the confederacy now about to be formed, (for I have not heard of its being yet completed) will be of a firmer texture, and more durable and efficacious, than thofe which have been tried already. The truth of the matter indeed is, that all confederacies are liable to be diffolved from the contrariety of interefts, unavoidable accidents, and the natural jealoufies which the confederates have for each other. Thefe are evils which are infeparable from all confederacies whatever, and there are as many of them applicable to the different Powers of Europe, now perhaps, as there ever were at any former time. I fay this, not from the characters of the different Powers, (which by the way would justify me), but I say it from the experience of pofitive acts, which are almoft equal to demonstration. I have no fcruple in faying, that the former confederacy of Princes was one of the chief caufes of the calamities which the French Revolution had produced. I fay then, my Lords, that experience teaches you that it is impoffible to derive any advantage to this country from any confederacy whatever. Compare the fituation of this country at this moment with its condition at the commencement of hoftilities, and then ask yourselves, my Lords, what is likely to be the refult of your proceeding? If fo many victories cannot gain you peace, what is a new confederacy to produce? You have loft fome things by treachery, and others you have gained by conqueft, but yet I do not fee that your condition is in the leaft degree amended. And here I cannot help obferving, that while we remember (how is it poffible to forget?) how we have treated fome ftates; how our friendship has been the ruin of fome people; it is not very handsome, nor very generous, to talk much of the manner in which fome States have loft their power and confequence for want of having fufficiently refifted the attacks of France-I fay, my Lords, this is neither generous nor handfome in us when we know that fome States have, for the prefent at least, been blotted out of the map, in confequence of our most friendly interference. With regard to the union of other powers, and the reliance that we ought to place on their fincerity towards us, let us recollect that we have not had one of them in alliance with us who has not deferted us. Auftria the most confiderable of them all, was only a drain upon us, and a temptation for the conqueft of the enemy.

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But my obfervations are not confined merely to the weaknefs of any confederacy, and the improbability there is of its even continuing for a fufficient time, or in fufficient force, to be effectual; or of the probability there is that they will deceive us again if we truft to them; but my obfervation extends to an object of another nature-I mean that the late glorious victory we obtained over the French ought to induce us to fhew a difpofition for peace; for that is the truly wife use that should be made of the advantage you have gained. Indeed if you do not fhew that difpofition when you are fuccefsful, I do not know when, with any advantage, you can fhew it; for if you fhew it after an adverfe fortune, either your fincerity or your courage will be doubted. Then I afk, what period is to be fixed for the termination of this conteft? We have been told that the French never fhew any difpofition for peace when they are fuccefsful; but if that be fo, it is a defect in them, and we ought not to imitate it. I think the tone of the French is lowered, in fome particulars at leaft-I may be told that is because they feel they are weak; to which I answer, if it be fo, we should now try what may be done towards pacification; for they may gain ftrength again, and then they will be lefs eafy to deal with than they are at prefent. If any Noble Lord fhould think any part of what I fay worthy of observation, and fhould obferve, that what I am urging tends to recommend humiliation to this country, I fhould anfwer, that there is not a man in this country who would fcorn to do so more than the perfon who has now the honour of addreffing your Lordships; but I muft declare, what fome may think foolish, but I fhall declare it, because it appears to me founded in found fenfe: That to fhew a difpofition for peace in the hour of profperity, is not a humiliation, but a magnanimity. And I do not think that the people of this country would think it humiliating if a peaceable difpofition was now manifefted in their name by his Majefty's Minifters; and yet I am well affured that they would not now (I hope they never will) hear of any peace that was not confiftent with their honour and their interest. I am so far from thinking that the people would have any wishes that are inconfiftent with the future glory, as well as the prefent comfort, of this country, if they had the means of deciding the prefent conteft, that I wish, with all my heart, they had their due weight and power in the Government.

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