fubje&t? This very connection, the neceffity of which has been admitted on all hands, has been attacked by Foreign Enemies, and by Domestic Traitors. The diffolution of that connection is the great object of the hoftility of the common Enemies of both Countries, it is almost the only remaining hope with which they now continue the contest. Baffled and defeated as they have hitherto been, they fill retain the hope, they are ftill meditating attempts, to diffolve that connection. God grant that in this inftance the fame favour of Divine Providence, which has in fo many instances protected this Empire, may again interpofe in our favour, and that the attempts of the Enemy to feparate the two Countries, may tend ultimately to knit them more closely together, to ftrengthen a Connection, the best pledge for the happiness of both, and fo add to that power which forms the chief barrier to the civilized world, against the deftructive principles, the dangerous projects, and the unexampled ufurpation of France. This Connection has been attacked not only by the avowed Enemies of both Countries, but by internal Treason, acting in concert with the defigns of the Enemy. Internal

Treafon,

Treason, which engrafted Jacobinifm on those difeafes which neceffarily grew out of the State and Condition of Ireland.

Thinking, then, as we all must think, that a close Connection with Ireland is effential to the interests of both Countries, and feeing how much this Connection is attacked, let it not be infinuated that it is unneceffary, much lefs improper, at this arduous and important crifis, to fee whether fome new arrangements, fome fundamental regulations, are not neceffary, to guard against the threatened danger. The foreign and domeftic Enemies of these kingdoms have fhewn, that they think this the vulnerable point in which they may be most fuccessfully attacked; let us derive

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advantage, if we can, from the hoftility of our Enemies let us profit by the defigns of an Enemy, who, if his conduct difplays no true wifdom, at least poffeffes in an eminent degree that fpecies of wifdom which is calculated for the motion of mischief. They know upon what footing that Connection refts at this moment between the two Countries, and they feel the moft ardent hope, that the two Parliaments will be infatuated enough

enough not to render their designs abortive, by fixing that Connection upon a more folid bafis..

Thefe circumftances I am fure will not be denied. And if .upon other grounds we had any doubt, thefe circumftances alone ought to induce us, deliberately and difpaffionately, to review the fituation of the two Countries, and to endeavour to find out a proper remedy for an evil, the exiftence of which is but too apparent. It requires but a moment's reflection, for any man who has marked the progrefs of events, to decide upon the true ftate and character of this Connection. It is evidently one which does not afford that fecurity which, even in times lefs dangerous and lefs critical than the prefent, would have been neceffary, to enable the empire to avail itself of its strength and its refources,

When I last addreffed the House on this fubject, I ftated that the fettlement, which was made in 1782, fo far from deferving the name of a Final Adjustment, was one that left the Connection between Great Britain and Ireland expofed to all the attacks of Party, and all the effects of accident.

accident. The Settlement confifted in the demolition of the Syftem which before held the two Countries together. Let me not be understood as expreffing any regret at the termination of that System. I disapproved of it, because I thought it was one unworthy the liberality of Great Britain, and injurious to the interefts of Ireland. But to call that a Syftem in itself-to call that a glorious fabric of human wisdom-which is no more than the mere demolition of another Syftem-is a perverfion of terms which, however prevalent of late, can only be the effect of grofs mifconception, or of great hypocrify. We boaft that we have done every thing, when we have merely destroyed all that before existed, without fubftituting any thing in its place. Such was the Final Adjustment of 17S2; and I can prove it to be fo, not only from the plainest reasoning, but I can prove it by the opinion expreffed by the British Parliament at that very time. I can prove it by the opinion expreffed by thofe very Minifters by whom it was propofed and conducted. I can prove it by the opinion of that very Government who boast of having effected a Final Adjustment. I refer, for what I have faid, to proofs which they will find it

very

very difficult to anfwer; I mean their own acts, which will plainly fhew that they were of opinion that a new Syftem would be neceffary. But, Sir, I will go farther I will alfo produce the authority of one of thofe whofe influence, on the prefent occafion, has been peculiarly exerted to prevent the difcuffion of the queftion in Ireland-of one, of whom I do not wifh to fpeak but with refpect, but for whom, nevertheless, I fhould convey an idea of more respect, than I can now feel to be due to him, if I were merely to defcribe him as the person who fills the fame fituation, in the House of Commons of Ireland, which you, Sir, hold among us, and of which on all occafions you discharge the duties with a dignity and impartiality which reflects fo much credit on yourself, and fo well fupports the character and authority of the House.

On a former night, I read an Extract from the Journals, to fhew what was the opinion even of those by whom the Final Adjustment was propofed, of that Measure. It would there appear, that the Meffage was fent to the Parliament of Ireland, recommending to them the adoption of

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