journment till one the next afternoon, having lasted upwards of twenty-four hours. There were two divisions; the first on Mr. Ponsonby's amendment, ayes, 105; noes, 106. The original motion was then put, when the house divided, ayes, 107; noes, 105. So that the question in favour of the union was carried in both houses; in the lords, by a majority of 32, and in the commons, by a majority of 2: but the question being carried by so trifling a majority in the commons, it was considered, though literally gained, as virtually lost.

Multitudes of people crowded the avenues to the house, and continued with eagerness of expectation, and anxiety of suspense, the whole night. When the house of lords broke up at midnight, such members as the populace thought voted for the union, they hissed and groaned at, and the earl of Ormond, who moved the address, was grossly insulted. When the lower house separated, which, as before observed, was not till one o'clock the next day, lord Castlereagh, and the other persons chiefly obnoxious to the people, were escorted through the crowd by the popular members, and no acts of violence were committed. All Dublin was in a paroxysm of joy at the vigorous resistance of the commons, and a general voluntary illumination took place all over the city.

A long and severe debate took place on the 24th in the house of commons, on the question of an address to the lord lieutenant. The paragraph objected to was one which expressed a readiness to consider the means of permanently connecting the two countries; and it gave rise to a debate which lasted till seven the next morning; when, on a division, there were, for the paragraph, 106; against it, 111 (including tellers); majority against government 5. This victory, as it was considered, of the anti-unionists, was celebrated in Dublin by another illumination, and a general demolition of the windows of those who had supported the government. Meanwhile, the house voted their address without any division.

Though Mr. Pitt was mortified at the reception which his project met with in the Irish house of commons, he was still resolved to prosecute it. In the English house, January 23, the order of the day, for an address to his majesty, for his majesty's most gracious message relative to the affairs of Ireland, having been read, and the address moved by Mr. secretary Dundas, Mr. Sheridan, after a long speech, moved an amendment, the substance of which was that the house expressed its surprise and regret that the solemn adjustment between the two countries in the year 1782 had not been attended with the effects anticipated by his majesty's ministers; and feeling also the consequences that must arise from the agitation of the question of an union at this crisis between the two countries, it recommended his majesty not to take the counsel of those who advised him to concur in such a measure. This amendment was negatived without a division, and the original address was carried. Accordingly, January 31, when the chancellor of the exchequer moved the order of the day, for taking into consideration the recommendations contained in his majesty's message, for improving and perpetuating the connection between Great Britain and Ireland, the chancellor then opened the discussion of this momentous subject in a most eloquent speech, the delivery of which occupied near three hours and a half. His introductory observations were to the following effect:

"Sir, when I proposed to the house to fix this day for the consideration of a subject so highly important in its nature, and so intimately connected with the safety of the British empire, as that which was recommended in his majesty's most gracious message, I indulged a hope that his majesty's communication to the parliament of Ireland, with respect to the same object, would have opened a speedy and effectual way to secure the happy accomplishment of a measure which was calculated to draw closer the ties of mutual

interest between both countries-to perpetuate a connection essential for their common security and happiness; to augment the power and resources, and consolidate the strength of the British empire; and more immediately to establish, on a firm and permanent basis, the tranquillity and prosperity of Ireland itself. That hope, I am sincerely concerned to observe, has been disappointed by the measures, which have since occurred. I know that the parliament of Ireland, in the discussion and decision, which have followed his majesty's most gracious communication, has exercised that competency, which I do not mean to question, but admit it fully possesses, to reject or adopt any measure proposed to them by the executive government. One of the houses of parliament in Ireland has, however, thought proper to adopt the recommendation. Feeling as I do a firm persuasion of the great, solid, and extensive benefits that must result to Ireland from a consultation to carry into effect the object proposed; feeling as I do the immense addition that must also accrue to the empire at large, and the consolidation of strength, interest, and affection, that must be derived to both countries from the execution of it; I cannot avoid saying that I am impressed with the deepest regret for the disappointment which has taken place. But, sir, knowing at the same time the undoubted right of parliament to come to such resolutions as it may think most proper, and to act in every manner most conformable to the sentiments by which it is actuated, I do treat the decision of parliament on that momentous consideration with the greatest deference and respect. I have not the most remote intention of agitating matters, which might possibly, in the course of their discussion, give rise to a spirit of animosity, or lead to hostilities between both countries; but while I treat that decision with every mark of respect, to which, as an act of an independent house of commons, it is clearly entitled, I must say that I have a duty to perform, which, conT

VOL. IV.