commerce on the manners and morals, on the fecurity and happiness, of the Africans, has begun to be perceived by the natives themfelves; many of whom, though occafiona ly engaged in the flave trade, have expreffed their joy at the profpect of its abolition. They not only complain of the frauds and the impofitions of the whites, but of the general infecurity they have introduced. So early as the year 1787, the chief of Almammy not only prohibited the five-trade in his own territories, but refufed to allow the French to march their flaves from Gallam through his country, fo that they were obliged to change their route. As a Marabout, having in his youth received an education fuperior to that of other black princes, he rendered himself entirely independent of the whites, ranfomed his fubjects when feized by the Moors, and encouraged them to raife cattle, to cultivate the land, and to practise all kinds of induftry. Falconbridge's character of the negroes is unqucftionably juft: "They feaft," said he, ginal rude ftate. Till lately, the Portugueze were the only nation that, with their fubjugation, had attempt ed their improvement. The Portugueze did not confine themtfelves to trading factories, but formed large colonies under a regular government on the coafts. They attempted to in ftruct the natives in the cultivation of their foil, and taught them a reli gion which tended to foften their manners as well as to reform their morals. In Loango, Congo, Angola, and Benguila, they have been fo fedulous in the converfion of the negroes, that they are believed to have made them better Chriftians than themselves. From Benin, Guinea, and Negritia, they were expelled by the other European powers, co operating with the natives, before their eftablishments had acquired folidity. They have till various factories in thefe countries; and, at different places of the coaft, a mongrel race are found, who boaft their Portugueze extraction, though they have adopted the manners of the negroes and their modes of life. In colour they are hardly diftinguishable from the darkeft negroes; a fact which feems to fhow, that Europeans, adopting the negro manner of life, would in time acquire the negroe hue. In feveral of thefe countries, the Portugueze miffions, from the want of a teady and perfevering fupport, have experienced a great declination of influence. Their nation, however, has the credit of trading in Africa pro duce to greater extent than any other nation, and of carrying on the flavetrade with as much humanity as it is poffible to unite with fo inhuman à traffic. Their flave-veffels are never crowded, and are navigated chiefly liquors into black man's country;" by black mariners, who fympathize more with the fufferings of their countrymen than the whites. Before the flaves are shipped, they are cate chized and receive the rite of baptifm. The pernicious effects of European round graves; and were they to "fee their country in flames, they would cry, let it burn, without in"terrupting their finging, dancing, or drinking. They are equally infenfible of grief and neceffity: They fing till they die, and dance into "the grave." In fpite of this infenfibility, or rather levity of character, they have learned to eftimate: the character of the traders. Though thofe who are immediately concerned in the flave trade fay, It is very good for black man to love white "man, and not hurt but make trade with him, because white man's fhips "bring all the good things and ftrong yet the moft difcerning fcruple not to declare, that wherever white man comes, there comes a fword, a gunpowder, and ball. They are defirous of educating their children in white man's fashion, that he may read book and and learn to be rogue, fo well as white man; for, say they, if white man not read, he be no better rogue than black man.. Thus it appears that all intercourse with the negroes, as it has been carried on upon commercial principles, has tended uniformly to the debafement of their understandings, and the degradation of their moral natures; every kind of connection has been fatal, like the touch of the putrid fide of the gigantic devil, in which the negroes of Anto, on the Gold Coast, believe. This circumflance has induced fome of the friends of humanity, who have interefted themfelves in the fate of the African na tions, to regard with extreme fufpicion the introduction of every fpecies of commercial fpeculation into those fyftems of colonization which have been founded upon principles of humanity. But furely every method, by which the curiofity of the favage may be rouzed, and his industry excited, without calling his malevolent paffions into exertion, muit ultimately tend to the amelioration of his focial ftate. Agriculture is the principle of vitality in a colony, but the production of the raw materials of manufacture, or the acquifition of the materials of exchange and barter, conftitutes its credit,, and creates its influence as a province or a nation. ACCOUNT OF THE SWEDISH DESIGN OF AN AGRICULTURAL COLONY IN AFRICA-CHARACTER OF WADSTROM. FROM From the fame. ROM the difcovery of Weft A. frica by the Portugueze to the latter part of the 18th century, the fame iniquitous commercial principles continued to regulate the intercourfe of white men with their fable brethren, to degrade the negro, and difgrace the European. The immenfe edifice of flavery continued to infult the eyes of the fons of freedom; and, undeterred by the groans of anguilh, the clanking of chains, and the echo of the whip that refound through the pile, free men wounded deeply the liberties which they boafted, by affuming the lash of the taskmaster. Who first attempted to demolish the infernal prison-house, and to raise over its ruins the temple of freedom? Who first attempted to vindicate infulted humanity, and to burft the chains which the fanction of ages had rivetted? The Swedish nation may claim the glory of forming the firft fpecific plan for alleviating the evils which the inhuman man-trade has occafioned in Africa; and the Danes of carrying into execution the first agricultural establishment, for inftructing the negroes in the cultivation of their fertile foil, and teaching them to avenge their wrongs on the abettors of flavery, by rearing a bulwark for freedom in the Land of Slaves. The Swedish defign of eftablishing a colony in Africa, which, by its original organization, might exclude every political, financial, and mercantile principle, which appeared to be inconfiftent with the happiness of mankind, though it only terminated in exploring a part of that continent, originated in the pureft and most difinterested motives. In the year 1779, fome members of a fociety, formed for diffufing thofe principles of civilization which appeared to be best calculated for promoting focial order and general happiness, met at Norkioping in Sweden, to confider the colonization and cultivation of waste lands in Europe, upon philanthropical principles. What feemed imprac ticable ticable in Europe, from. the jarring journey to Paris, where, through the interefts and fluctuating politics of her powers, the erection of a community, who might have the privilege of enacting its own laws, coining of its own money, and exempting its members from imprifonment for debt, was deemed practicable on the western coaft of Africa. To the execution of this plan, which had a more extenfive object than even the emancipation of the negro race, the moft formidable obftacle appeared to be the oppofition which it would neceffarily receive from the flave-trade; a fpecific plan was however formed, and a charter, empowering 40 families to fettle on the western coast of Africa, under the protection of Sweden, to organife their own govern ment, to enact their own laws, and to eftablish a fociety entirely inde pendent of Europe, was procured from his Swedish Majefty Gustavus III. through the influence of the Chamberlain Ulric Nordonkiold. The only conditions annexed to thofe pri vileges were, that the fociety fhould defray the expences of their expedition and eftablishment, and not infringe the territories poffeffed or claimed by other European powers. The execution of this plan was, for fome time, retarded by the American war; but, as it was judged expedient, as a preparatory step, to explore Weft Africa, the Affociation entered into engagements with the mercantile houfe of M. Chauvell of Havre de Grace, to conduct an expedition of difcovery at their joint expence. In this expedition embarked Wadftrom, who was an enthufiaft with refpect to colonization; Sparrman and Arrhenius, who were enthufiafts in natural fcience; while the enthusiasm of their joint employer M Chauvell, coincided entirely with the financial views of his Swedish Majefty, who loved gold much better than any other natural production. Thefe adventurers left Sweden in May 1787, on their reprefentations of Baron Stael von Holftein, Swedish ambaffador, after fome delay, they procured from the Marefchal de Caftries, minister at war and of the colonies, orders to the fuperintendants of all the French factories, as well as their confuls on the coaft of Barbary, to afford them every poffible affiftance at the expence of government. They failed from Havre de Grace, in August 1787, and arrived at Goree about the end of the rainy feason, where they were received by the Chevalier de Boufflers with the utmoft politenefs. His departure to Europe, foon after their arrival, rendered abortive their expectations of affiftance from the agents of the Senegal Company, who refufed to furnish them with thofe goods which were abfolutely neceffary for their propofed expedition into the interior parts of the country. The general war, which the rapacious and oppreffive monopoly exercised by the Senegal Company, whofe cupidity even extended to parrots and natural curiofities, had provoked the most powerful negro nations to declare againft the French, rendered the interior entirely inacceffible. These unexpected and irrefiftible events obliged Wadftrom and his companions to return to Europe, with the obfervations they had made on the coaft, and the oral information they had been able to procure concerning the interior regions. That the Swedish defign of agricultural colonization proved abortive, must be regretted by every person of humanity; for, though it originated in ideas of extravagant philanthropy, depended for its fupport upon perfons of oppofite views, and could never have realized the fanguine expectations of the founders; yet, when we confider the rude fimplicity of the Africans, the romantic nature of the plan was perhaps the very circumAtance which would have enfured its fuccefs. fuccefs. The exclufion of artificial credit, a practice fo averse to the ideas of Europeans, would not fhock the prejudices of Africans, among whom the rights of property are vague and indeterminate; and peculiarity of customs, when once introduced, would be the most powerful fupport of the inftitution. A fyftem, approximating to equality of property, could have produced in an infant colony none of thofe violent convulfions that have deprived the French of every poffible advantage that could have accrued from the destruction of defpotifm, and united the name of liberty with every epithet of horror and deteftation. Charles Berns Wadftrom was born at Stockholm in the year 1746. After finishing his academical ftudies, he entered as engineer into the fervice of his Swedish Majefty. From his knowledge in mechanics and minera logy, a part of the works that were erecting, in order to render navigable the cataract of Trochaitta, was confided to his care, in 1767 and 1768. In 1769, he was employed in conducting the working of the coppermines at Arvidaberg. He was afterwards engaged in the direction of various establishments, and had frequent perfonal intercourfe with the King of Sweden, before his African expedition. At his return to Europe, Arrhenius went directly to Sweden; but Wadftrom, with his friend Sparr. went to London, where the queftion of the abolition of the flave trade had begun to be agitated in Parliament. They were fummoned before the British Privy-Council, and repeatedly examined. Wadftrom, who had obtained permiffion to remain in England during this import ant difcuffion, produced the journal of daily tranfactions which he had kept in Africa, to vouch for the fidelity of his report. His evidence was confidered as highly curious, useful, and interesting, and frequently man, referred to in the parliamentary debates. The opinions he delivered concerning the abolition of the flavetrade, and the eftablishment of phi.. lanthropic colonies, gave rife to the fettlements of Sierra Leona and Boulama, which may be confidered as monuments erected to humanity, by the friends of mankind. During his ftay in London, the war between Ruffia and Sweden commenced, and deprived him of all hopes of 'affiitance in his colonial project from that quarter; but, at the fame time, a much more favourable profpect opened in England, Wadftrom's applications to the British miniftry were fo effectually fupported by perions of the first refpectability, that, in 1789, a veffel was ordered to be equipped for an expedition to difcover the beft fitua tions for colonies on the western coast of Africa. This voyage was interrupted by the conteft with spain concerning Nootka Sound; and after Captain Roberts had waited a confiderable time for orders, he was ordered to fail on a fecret expedition. In 1789 he published a small tract, compiled from his journals, entitled, Obfervations on the Slave-trade, "in a voyage to the coaft of Guinea," containing much interesting.information concerning his African expedition. From the year 1790, to the commencement of the Republican war. the precarious ftate of European politics prevented him from forming any new colonial arrangements, and death terminated all his plans before the peace of Europe was restored. But during the interval between his death and his return from Africa, he did not renounce his favourite feheme of colonization. Having, while he refided in Africa, been ftruck with the inclination of the Negroes to fpin and weave cotton, and having been furprised at their perfeverance and fuccefs, with the most imperfe& machinery, he engaged in the cotton-. manufacture at Manchefter, in order to to acquire fuch a knowledge of the bufinefs as might qualify him for inftructing the natives of Africa. In 1794, he published in 4to, " An effay on colonization, particularly "applied to the western coast of A frica, with fome free thoughts on cultivation and commerce, and brief "defcriptions of the colonies already formed, or attempted." Of this work, Buonaparte is laid to have carried a copy with him, when he de parted on his Egyptian expedition. As the difficulty of communication between France and England rendered it almoft impoffible to procure a copy, he was prefented with the only remaining one in the poffeffion of the author, then refiding at Paris. This expedition, which in future times will be cenfured or applauded, according to its ultimate fuccess, which the laws of nations and the faith of treaties muft condemn, but which the laws of that aggrandizing patriotifm, which, in ancient times, characterized the Romans, and, in modern, the Ruffians, muft approve, was beheld with triumph by Wadfrom, who believed that the civiliza. tion of Africa, and the liberty of Afia, depended on its fuccefs. He faw the French in poffeffion of Egypt, but his days were terminated by a pulmonary confumption, in lefs than a year after the arrival of Buonaparte in that country. Thole who condemn, with the greatest bitterness, the political opi. nions of Wadftrom, muft, in their hearts, venerate the active benevolence of his character. His errors were, the diseases of too tender a fenfibility, the exceffive confidence of too liberal a fpirit, the unbounded benevolence of too warm a heart. His heart feemed more enlarged than his understanding his feelings were always in the right, though his judgment was often in the wrong. His philanthro pic schemes were generally romantic, and often delufive; his fanguine ex pectations and fimplicity of heart, often made him the dupe of his own credulity. It is now the fashion to decry, with every term of virulence, and in one indifcriminate mafs, all thofe who approve, or havé approved of the French Revolution. Yet, furely, there were many perfons of the pureft benevolence, of the most humane and upright views, perfons whofe fouls were fickened by contemplating, with vain regret, the miferies and wretchednefs, which they could not relieve, who beheld its commencement with fupreme pleasure, its progrefs, at firft, with anxiety and chagrin, and afterwards with deep deteftation and abhorrence. It is equally injurious and unjuft, to confound thefe humane and benevolent men, who credulously expected an equality of happiness, instead of an abfurd equality of property, to be produ ced by the revolutionizing fyftem, with thofe votaries of anarchy and confufion, whofe rapacious hands, and unfeeling hearts, have marked the paths of Revolution with murder and blood. With the former class, few will feruple to rank the benevolent Wadftrom, though he seems to have retained, to the laft, his ideas of the ultimate confequences of the French Revolution, with the fame credulous fimplicity which is faid to have prompted him to feek for the New Jerufalemn of Swedenborg, amid the unexplored regions of Africa. His effay on colonization contains an immenfe collection of materials on that fubject, with a particular reference to Africa, combined in no judicious or luminous order, but containing almost every obfervation, new or old, trite or original, which feemed to be intimately connected with the fubject. Theoretical fpeculations, practical obfervations, original documents, and citations from authors, age immethodically produced, and lofe much of their value from their inartificial arrangement. His style is loofe, |