ticable in Europe, from the jarring interefts and fluctuating politics of her powers, the erection of a community, who might have the privilege of enacting its own laws, coining of its own money, and exempting its members from imprifonment for debt, was deemed practicable on the western coast of Africa. To the execution of this plan, which had a more extenfive object than even the emancipation of the negro race, the moft formidable obftacle appeared to be the oppofition which it would ne ceffarily receive from the flave-trade; a fpecific plan was however formed, and a charter, empowering 40 families to fettle on the western coaft of Africa, under the protection of Sweden, to organise their own govern ment, to enact their own laws, and to establish a fociety entirely independent of Europe, was procured from his Swedish Majefty Gustavus 11. through the influence of the Chamberlain Ulric Nordonk old. The only conditions annexed to thofe privileges were, that the fociety fhould defray the expences of their expedition and establishment, and not infringe the territories poffeffed or claimed by other European powers. The execution of this plan was, for fome time, retarded by the American war; but, as it was judged expedient, as a preparatory step, to explore Weft Africa, the Affociation entered into engagements with the mercantile houfe of M. Chauvell of Havre de Grace, to conduct an expedition of discovery at their joint expence. In this expedition embarked Wadftrom, who was an enthufiaft with refpect to colonization; Sparrman and Arrhenius, who were enthufiafts in natural fcience; while the enthusiasm of their joint employer M. Chauvell, coincided entirely with the financial views of his Swedish Majefty, who loved gold much better than any other na tural production. Thefe adventurers left Sweden in May 1787, on their journey to Paris, where, through the reprefentations of Baron Stael von Holftein, Swedish ambaffador, after fome delay, they procured from the Marefchal de Caftries, minifter at war and of the colonies, orders to the fuperintendants of all the French factories, as well as their confuls on the coaft of Barbary, to afford them every poffible affiftance at the expence of government. They failed from Havre de Grace, in Auguft 1787, and arrived at Goree about the end of the rainy feafon, where they were received by the Chevalier de Boufflers with the utmoft politeness. His de parture to Europe, foon after their arrival, rendered abortive their expectations of affiftance from the agents of the Senegal Company, who refused to furnish them with thofe goods which were abfolutely neceffary for their propofed expedition into the interior parts of the country. The general war, which the rapacious and oppreffive monopoly exercifed by the Senegal Company, whofe cupidity even extended to parrots and natural curiofities, had provoked the most powerful negro nations to declare against the French, rendered the interior entirely inacceffible. These unexpected and irresistible events obliged Wadftrom and his companions to return to Europe, with the obfervations they had made on the coaft, and the oral information they had been able to procure concerning the interior regions. That the Swedish defign of agricultural colonization proved abortive, must be regretted by every perfon of humanity; for, though it originated in ideas of extravagant philanthropy, depended for its fupport upon perfons of oppofite views, and could never have realized the fanguine expectations of the founders; yet, when we confider the rude fimplicity of the Africans, the romantic nature of the plan was perhaps the very circumtance which would have enfured its fuccefs. fuccefs. The exclufion of artificial credit, a practice fo averfe to the ideas, of Europeans, would not fhock the prejudices of Africans, among whom, the rights of property are vague and indeterminate; and peculiarity of cuftoms, when once introduced, would be the most powerful fupport of the institution. A fyftem, approximating to equality of property, could have produced in an infant colony none of thofe violent convulfions that have deprived the French of every poffible advantage that could have accrued from the deftruction of defpotifm, and united the name of liberty with every epithet of horror and detefta tion. Charles Berns Wadrom was born at Stockholm in the year 1746. After finishing his academical ftudies, he entered as engineer into the fervice of his Swedish Majefty. From his knowledge in mechanics and minera logy, a part of the works that were erecting, in order to render navigable the cataract of Trochaitta, was confided to his care, in 1767 and 1768. In 1769, he was employed in conducting the working of the coppermines at Arvidaberg. He was afterwards engaged in the direction of various establishments, and had frequent perfonal intercourfe with the King of Sweden, before his African expedition. At his return to Europe, Arrhenius went directly to Sweden; but Wadftrom, with his friend Sparr man, went to London, where the queftion of the abolition of the flavetrade had begun to be agitated in Parliament. They were fummoned before the British Privy-Council, and repeatedly examined. Wadftrom, who had obtained permiffion to remain in England during this import. ant difcuffion, produced the journal of daily tranfactions which he had kept in Africa, to vouch for the fidelity of his report. His evidence was confidered as highly curious, useful, and interefting, and frequently referred to in the parliamentary de- to to acquire fuch a knowledge of the bufineis as might qualify him for inftructing the natives of Africa. In 1794, he published, in 4to, " An effay on colonization, particularly "applied to the western coaft of A "frica, with me free thoughts on "cultivation and commerce, and brief "defcriptions of the colonies already "formed, or attempted." Of this work, Buonaparte is faid to have carried a copy with him, when he de parted on his Egyptian expedition. As the difficulty of communication between France and England rendered it almost impoffible to procure a copy, he was prefented with the only remaining one in the poffeffion of the author, then refiding at Paris. This expedition, which in future times will be cenfured or applauded, according to its ultimate fuccefs, which the laws of nations and the faith of treaties muft condemn, but which the laws of that aggrandizing patriotism, which, in ancient times, characterized the Romans, and, in modern, the Ruffians, muft approve, was beheld with triumph by Wadftrom, who believed that the civiliza. tion of Africa, and the liberty of Afia, depended on its fuccefs. He faw the French in poffeffion of Egypt, but his days were terminated by a pulmonary confumption, in lefs than a year after the arrival of Buonaparte in that country. Those who condemn, with the greatest bitterness, the political opinions of Wadftrom, muft, in their hearts, venerate the active benevolence of his character. His errors were, the diseases of too tender a fenfibility, the exceffive confidence of too liberal a spirit, the unbounded benevolence of too warm a heart. His heart feemed more enlarged than his understanding, his feelings were always in the right, though his judgment was often in the wrong. His philanthropic fchemes were generally romantic, and often delufive; his fanguine ex pectations and fimplicity of hearts often made him the dupe of his own credulity. It is now the fashion to decry, with every term of virulence, and in one indifcriminate mafs, all those who approve, or have approved of the French Revolution Yet, furely, there were many perfons of the pureft benevolence, of the moft humane and upright views, perfons whofe fouls were fickened by contemplating, with vain regret, the miferies and wretchednefs which they could not relieve, who beheld its commencement with fupreme pleasure, its progrefs, at first, with anxiety and chagrin, and afterwards with deep deteftation and abhorrence. It 18 equally injurious and unjust, to confound thefe humane and benevolent men, who creduloufly expected an equality of happiness, inftead of an abfurd equality of property, to be produced by the revolutionizing fyftem, with thofe votaries of anarchy and confufion, whofe rapacious hands, and unfeeling hearts, have marked the paths of Revolution with murder and blood. With the former class, few will fcruple to rank the benevolent Wadstrom, though he seems to have retained, to the last, his ideas of the ultimate confequences of the French Revolution, with the fame credulous fimplicity which is faid to have prompted him to feek for the New Jerufalem of Swedenborg, amid the unexplored regions of Africa. His effay on colonization contains an immenfe collection of materials on that fubject, with a particular reference to Africa, combined in no judicious or luminous order, but containing almoft every obfervation, new or old, trite or original, which seemed to be intimately connected with the fubject. Theoretical fpeculations, practical obfervations, original documents, and citations from authors, are immethodically produced, and lofe much of their value from their inartificial arrangement. His ftyle is loofe, loofe, tedious, and full of repetition, his reflections are often original, but the relations of his ideas are feldom accurately defined. Yet Waditrom, in contributing to the emancipation of the Negroes, was likewife the benefactor of the Europeans: "for," as Helen Maria Williams remarks in her eloge, "the dignity of human na"ture, violated in the perfon of the "flave, is avenged by the confequent depravity of his mafter. Even the fofter fex, who seem born to foothe with fympathizing tears, the mi"feries of humanity, in thofe regions, "where flavery prevails, difplay the "monftrous contraft of weakness and "ferocity, of voluptuous indolence "and active cruelty, of a frame en"ervated by the refinements of luxury, and a heart hardened by fa"miliarity with crimes." This account of Waditrom may be properly clofed, with the following inftance of his active benevolence. A fon of the king of Mefurado had been bafely decoyed from his father by an English veffel, and carried first to Sierra Leona, and afterwards to the Weft Indies. Upon being recognized by his countrymen and companions in 66 flavery, he was purchafed by a mu latto trader of Grenada, and brought to England, which was beginning to be agitated by the question concerning the abolition of the flave-trade. But, as this merely mercantile fpeculation difappointed the projector, he was taking meafures to convey the unfortunate African prince back to the Weft Indies, when the defign was difcovered by Wadftrom, who redeemed him at his own coft. The young man was placed in an academy at Mitcham in Surry, to be inftructed in the rudiments of Christianity, and fuch branches of education as he could comprehend, and was baptiz ed, Dec. 25, 1788. He continued at Mitcham two years and a half, but died of a confumption in O&. 1790, about the age of 19 or 20 years. He was obedient and docile, though not endowed with extraordinary powers, fond of agriculture, and a moderate proficient in reading and writing. Though acquainted with European cuftoms, he retained an invincible propenfity for those fimple manners to which he had been ac cuftomed in his native country. ACCOUNT OF THE SECOND SIGHT. THE 'HE fecond fight, in the Erfe, called Taifch, is a mode of feeing fuper-added to that which nature generally beltows. This gift of faculty, which is neither voluntary nor conftant, is in general rather troublefome than agreeable to the poffeffors of it, who are chiefly found among the inhabitants of the highlands of Scotland, thofe of the Weftern ifles, of the Ifle of Man, and of Ireland. It is an impreffion made either by the mind upon the eye, or by the eye upon the mind, by which things dif tant or future are perceived, and feen, as if they were prefent. A man on a journey, far from home, falls from his horfe; another, who is; perhaps, Ed. Mag. Jan. 1850. D at work about the house, fees him bleeding on the ground, commonlý with a landfcape of the place where the accident befalls him. Another feer, driving home his cattle, or wandering in idleness, or mufing in the funfhine, is fuddenly furprised by the. appearance of a bridal ceremony, or funeral proceffion, and counts the mourners or attendants, of whom, if he knows them, he relates the names; if he knows them not, he can describe the dreffes. Things diftant are feen at the inftant when they happen. Of things future, Johnson fays that he knows no rule pretended to, for determining the time between the fight dom, should sometimes happen to falute the passenger by his right appellation. To the confidence of thefe objec tions, Dr Johnfon replies, that by prefuming to determine what is fit, and what is beneficial, they prefup pofe more knowledge of the univerfal fyftem than man has attained; and therefore depend upon principles too complicated and extenfive for our comprehenfion; and that there can be no fecurity in the confequence, when the premises are not understood; that the fecond fight is only wonderful because it is rare; for, confidered in itself, it involves no more difficulty than dreams, or perhaps than the re gular exercife of the cogitative faculty. That a general opinion of communicative impulfes, or vifionary reprefentations, has prevailed in all ages and all nations; that particular in ftances have been given with fuch evidence, as neither Bacon nor Boyle has been able to refift; that fudden impreffions, which the event has ve rified, have been felt by more than own or publish them; that the fes cond fight of the Hebrides, implies only the local frequency of a power; which is now no where totally unknown; and that where we are unable to decide by antecedent reason, we must be content to yield to the force of teflimony. By pretenfion to fecond fight, no profit was ever fought or gained. It is an involuntary affection, in which neither hope nor fear are known to have any part. Those who profefs to fel it do not boaft of it as a privilege, nor are confidered by others as advantageoufly diftinguished. They have no temptation to feign, and their hearers have no motive to encourage the impof ture. ANECDOTES OF THE ABBE SIEYES AND THE CARDINAL DE ROHAN. I IT only depended on the poffeffion of an abbey of 12,000 livres (five hundred pounds fterling) a year, and a little more attention from the archbishop of Sens, to have made the abbe Sieyes one of the most zealous fupporters of the old government. affert this fact on the teftimony of feveral perfons worthy of the higheft credit, without any fear of its being contradicted by the abbe Sieyes himfelf; and I cite him from among a thousand inftances, that the world may justly appreciate the zeal, patriotifm, and principles of thofe revolutionary demoniacs, who all, mad men and idiots excepted, had no other object in declaiming and writing fo violently against the government and the minifters, than to make them purchafe at a higher price their filence or their pen. The abbe Sieyes, a man for systems, a subtle arguer, and ob . fcurely profound metaphyfician, pufhed himself into notice in 1787, in the Provincial Affembly of Orleans, of which he was a member, by his continual and frequently embarraffing oppofition to the old principles, and to all the views of government, The archbishop of Seas, then minifter, being informed of it, afked M. de L-, one of the principal members of that department, who the abbe Sieyes was, of whom he had heard fo much. "He is a man (replied M. de L-) extremely dangerous in times like thefe. You must absolutely fecure him, to prevent his doing a great deal of mifchief." what means fecure him?" is but one; and that is to chain him down with fetters-not of iron, but of gold." "What do you think he is to be bought?" "I have no doubt of it; he is not rich; he loves expenfive But by "There |