useless, unless employed to obtain this only legitimate end of war.

Lord Mulgrave was surprised, that any Englishman should think that this was a moment for proposing peace, especially to such an enemy as we had to contend with: reference to the fate of former attempts had little to do with the present. Was the relative situation of the two countries the same now as at the beginning of the war, either in point of glory, in point of finance, or in point of the popularity of the two governments? When the contest first began, the parties started as great rivals upon equal terms; at present, however, every thing which could constitute advantage was in our favour in such a position of things, would it be wise to trust that moderation which the noble lord had so bighly extolled? Ought we to rest our security upon the pacific disposition of the present rulers of France? Was it sound policy, at a moment when a prospect had arisen of securing the independence of Europe, to throw away our advantages, and seek, by crouching at the feet of France, a precarious, hollow, and fallacious peace, without endeavouring to turn the glory we had earned into an universal benefit to the world.

It was his opinion, that ministers, instead of omitting any favourable opportunity of bringing the war to an honourable conclusion, had carried their desire for peace too far: the enemy had mistaken it for inability to maintain the conquest, and their insolence and ambition had increased: their obstinacy indeed had deluded them, and led the way for this country to obtain the most splendid successes. However individuals might lament the losses they had sustained, however the burthens of the state might be increased,

every patriot must rejoice in the triumphs we had celebrated. In that proud eminence which we now occupied, we ought not to forget. our superiority, by renewing negotiations which presented no prospect of honourable termination: it was not by extenuating our successes, it was not by magnifying our petty losses, that a stable peace could be promoted: Britain stood high amongst the nations of Europe; she ought to invite them to combine under her auspices, to resort to her banner for protection, and confide in her efforts for security. It had been said, that jealousies and rivalships subsisted between several of the powers that were confederated against France. Austria and Prussia had entertained them, and separated; but they had reason sorely to repent their conduct; the events which succeeded plainly proved, that there was no safety but in union. No evil could compare with that of giving way to France; and, in fact, had we not seen these little dissensions laid aside? Russia and the Ottoman Porte (an example beyond all former speculations, because the occasion was beyond all former precedents) were now cordially co-operating in the same cause. When we considered the different situations of this country and of France, there was every thing to animate us. On the one side was glory, the respect and love of subjects, and the sinews of war; on the other, hatred, insubordination, and the exhausted resources of rapine and violence. The moderation so highly extolled, after they had pillaged a great part of Europe, had carried them as far as Egypt in search of new sources of plunder; in a moment like this, therefore, it would be the highest of pusillanimity to abandon other powers, to

whom

whom experience had taught the wisdom of fidelity; and to pursue selfish measures, when so bright a prospect was before us of an honourable termination of the contest. Lord Holland rose to explain; he said he never had affirmed that the French had been always moderate in their conduct; moderation had never been the character of any government in France, republican or monarchical. But there had been periods in which concilia tion' on the part of this country would have led to peace. It was certainly an unwelcome task to remind their lordships that these opportunities had been lost. The sums of money sent abroad from England had continued the war on the continent without advantage, and this war had consolidated the power of France. We had proved too fatally how inadequate a former coalition, had been to crush the revolution, and he saw no reason to imagine that the present would be more successful.

Lord Grenville expressed much satisfaction in avowing a different opinion the powers of the conti nent were now willing to embrace a line of conduct more suited to their interests; and was this a moment for England to shew that she was guided by little selfish politics? Instead of bringing Europe to its fate and abandoning the victims of French domination to their misery, it ought to be the business of Great Britain to animate their efforts, and contribute to their deliverance. It was the duty of ministers to promulgate this glorious purpose, to conciliate differences, to allay jealousies, and not, by reviving them, to prevent that co-operation which was so necessary to the general safety, and connected with the true interests of the country.

The marquis of Lansdown, strongly reprobated the idea of plaeing ourselves at the head of Europe: it was (he said) a vain, foolish, idle boast, which could only terminate in confusion and disaster. The collections which had recently been published in the correspondence of our statesmen since the revolution (Bolingbroke, Townsend, Sir R. Walpole, and others) demonstrated how much our wisest politicians disapproved of continental connexions, the system of subsidies, and the atempt to take the lead in Europe. The duke of Marlborough, who possessed conciliatory talents in as eminent a degree as any man ever did, said, "that it was some little merit to have made eight nations act as one man." Great as the abi lities of the duke of Marlborough were, he would venture to say, that had his grace been now alive, it would be above his powers to form such a confederacy, or make four nations act as one man, or even in concert! Now that the experiments were to be made at the expence of so many millions of lives, he would be apt to say, "You have made one trial, and failed, and we do not wish for the sake of humanity that it should be made again;" for himself, he had for several years opposed the attempt to take the lead in continental connexions, and he now opposed the renewal of them.

Lord Sydney affirmed, that he could not discover in the writings of our best statesmen any of that marked disapprobation of foreign alliances in situations of emergency. Arguments of lord Bolingbroke indeed might be produced; but he did not think his authority, or the principles on which the infamous treaty of Utrecht was concluded, would have great weight. He complimented lord Grenville and Mul

grave upon their speeches, declaring that he had never heard more eloquence in the course of a long parliamentary life.

face; yet the vigour of the British nation had been called forth; a spirit of resistance to the insolence of the enemy had been excited; a

Lord Grenville rose to declare, that the precise question was whether the French should have this honour, and cut and carve it up, instead of us? not, that this country should exercise a power and practice so unwarrantable.

In the house of commons on the same day, his maje ty's speech having been read, lord G Levison Gower rose to move the address He said, - that the ministers had made two attempts at a negotiation for peace; that the dawn of rational liberty having began to break upon the horizon of France, and a spirit of moderation having effected an extraordinary change in the minds of the French people, our government had supposed that theirs was also inclined to pacification, and would observe the conditions; but we had been much mistaken The directory, flushed with success and daz zled by their victories, imagined that the pressure of our difficulties and dangers had compelled us to this measure; and there were some Englishmen, (he was sorry to observe) who cherished the same idea. That we had many and great difficulties to contend with, no impar tial observer would deny; but, though our credit had experienced some decline: although apprehensions had been entertained of our funding system, and a national bankruptcy was said to stare us in the

had been so forcibly impressed on our minds, that no services had been refused-no contribution withheld-no sacrifice declined. The country had striking instances before its eyes of what it had to expect from the presumption of the enemy, and was convinced that all its safety depended upon its exertion. It was to this conviction we owed our voluntary contribųtions and our warike defences : from being a people of peaceful pursuits, and little familiarised with the use of arms, we had suddenly become a nation of well disciplined military men. The enemy had observed our ardour; they had desisted from the vain thre it and impotent design of invading the British shores; they had shrunk from their madly-meditated scheme of despoiling us of our wealth, and destroying the sources from whence it sprung. Whatever might have been their plan of plunder and of massacre, (a plan which would be found as wicked in intention as it was terrible in aspect), that plan our vigilance had watched, and our prudence confounded.

In their attempts on Ireland they had not proved inure successful; in vain had they supplied the disaffected with arms, and effected a partial landing. The few who had disembarked had been compelled by our noble commanders to surrender. At the same period, another force had been prepared from Holland, destined to corroborate in the same design; but their fate was known, and their attempts frustrated by the activity of our squadron. Our security, derived from

these

these efficient efforts, and from the inability of the French to accom.. plish their object of invasion, permitted us to contemplate with just exultation the glorious scenes which opened on Great-Britain: amongst which stood so conspicuous the brilliant victory lately recorded. The impression which it had made on the continent promised the most auspicious result; and, how ever we might regret that our gallant admiral did not fall in with the enemy's feet, to complete its annihilation, on maturer reflection it was a fortunate circumstance. Had the hostile fleet been destroyed, we could not have known its destination, or been convinced of the perfidious machinations of the French directory. The world would have been ignorant of the craft with which it endeavoured to inveigle the powers with whom the French nation was united in treaties, and whom it professed to respect, whilst it purposed to violate. The very moment it was repeating these professions, had it not attacked the Ottoman Porte in its most vulnerable point, supposing that this power was either too dull to apprehend its designs, or too feeble to resist them? Were we desirous to discover other advantages of this unparalleled triumph? we had only to observe its influence on the negotiation at Rastadt, where might be traced the first symptoms of spirited resistance to the ambitious encroachments of the enemy. At Naples, its effects were not less conspicuous; and wherever the joyful tidings had resounded, men and measures had assumed a new tone and complexion; such were the precious fruits which the wisdom of a people might reap from victories won by valour. And was this the moment to arrest them in their ca

reer-to dispirit their hopes, to damp their zeal, and suspend their exertions? Some indeed had argued that these very circumstances of prosperity should direct our attention to peace, and enable us to effect its attainment. To secure an honourable peace, he was as sincerely disposed as any who could hold, this language; nor was he disinclined to seek it from any aversion to any form of government; but the spirit which actuated the directory promised no stability-no faith. He adverted, he said, in a peculiar manner, to their behaviour towards Switzerland, and towards the infant republics which they had created and pretended to patronise. Whilst the conferences were holding at Rastadt, and a negotiation had actually began between them and the emperor, they seized upon an important post in Germany. Indeed their conduct had been the same to almost every state; and was it a moment to relax our endeavours, when the emperor of Russia was eager to second our operations? Would we cruelly damp the hopes of the Belgic insurgents, whose principal dependance was our assistance, and who so anxiously expected deliverance from our compassion? What, in a word, would be the result, but to repress the indignation which burned in every nation against Gallic insolence and Gallic oppression? England was now seated on a proud pre-eminence, and, by persevering in a firm resistance to our inveterate enemy, might bring to a safe conclusion the most arduous contest in which any nation had ever been involved.

Sir H. P. S. Mildmay seconded the motion: and, after expatiating on the sacrifices which we had already made to the interests of humanity, he said we were entitled to

such