had looked into the Annual Register for that year, in which it was stated, that, upon a surmise of a projected union," a mob of many thousands assembled, and had been guilty of the greatest outrages;" and certain ly, if such disturbances were caused by the mere report of a union, what was to be expected when it was forced upon them? Would it not have been adviseable to have tried first how far it was agreeable to the Irish nation? Had the parliament and country spoken in favour of the measure, then it should have been submitted to the British párliament. But what would it signify to state terms to those who would not listen to them? He had however heard it said, that whatever may be the ultimate opinion of the Irish legislature with respect to a union, yet it was necessary for the English parliament to record its sense upon the subject, with a view to prevent the misrepresentations of malice as to its intention; but would this be deemed a good reason for pressing a measure which increased the irritation of Ireland? He wished to promote the connexion between the two countries, and to guard against the artifices of those who aimed at their separation. No man more than himself deplored the late calamitous events in Ireland; but certainly the parliament of that country had shown itself adequate to the task of suppressing disturbances, and repelling attacks upon its constitution. He would aik (he said) whether a resident legislature, acting upon the spot, were not more likely to prevent or render ineffectual the intrigues of an artful enemy, than one sitting at a distance? It had been contended, that the government of Ireland was extremely vicious, and contained in itself the seeds of separation; that 1799.

the government being in the hands of the protestant minority, and the honours and emoluments of the church being in the possession of the same minority, the mass of people must be always discontented: all this he was ready to allow, but he could not see how a union with this country could possibly remove the evil. If the catholics were only to be allowed to elect protestant representatives in the imperial parliament, they would have less power than before,- for they had a share now in sending three hundred members to parliament, but then they would be confined to a far inferior number: on this Mr. Hobhouse made some very judicious remarks. It had been contended, that great commercial advantages would accrue to Ireland from a union, but he begged leave to ask, whether, as the number of absentees would be considerably increased, the value of their imports would not suffer, and consequently their trade on thewhole be diminished? Mr. Hobhouse next made some remarks on the compact of 1782, and contended that the subsequent resolution must have referred to commercial regulations or minor considerations.

He also made some observations on the competency of the Irish parliament, and quoted some authorities to prove that the parliament' could not transfer the power of making laws to other hands, it being but a delegated power from the people. However, he was not anxious to form a decided opinion as to the extent of the powers of parliament; for, admitting that parlia ment was adequate to create even a new constitution whenever it pleased, still the sovereignty was in the people. He concluded by saying he was heartily against the proposed union.

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Lord G. L. Gower said a few words in favour of the proposed union; and considered it not only as necessary to consolidate all the powers of the empire, but to guard against external attacks and internal conspiracies.

Mr. Peel observed, that during the discussion of the Irish arrangements, he was a petitioner at the bar of the British house of commons against those arrangements with Ireland. The object of those propositions was to open a more free intercourse betwixt two independent kingdoms. The one possessing great foreign do. minions and universal commerce; the other possessing no foreign dominions and very little trade; consequently they enjoyed separate interests, which must be the case while they had separate legislatures. From this consideration, it was evident that those arrangements, however well intended, would have been prejudicial to the manufactures of Great Britain. The plan of union embraced great advantages, both political and commercial, which, he said, by uniting two countries into one country, were calculated to add strength and security to the empire. Though he confessed himself a friend to the principle of the measure, he thought it his duty to draw the attention of the house to the sixth resolution. Each country was to provide for its own public debt; and that of Great Britain being infinitely larger than the debt of Ireland, heavy taxes were necessarily imposed on almost every article of consumption; which had so strong a tendency to enhance the price of labour, that goods manufactured under such a pressure could not be tendered on equally low terms, with the produce of la bour in places where similar burthens did not exist. Mr. Peel said,

unless this objection could be removed, the measure could not be expected to have the concurrence of Great Britain. He next made some remarks upon what Mr. Hob. house had said, relative to the increase of absentees. He was ready to admit the injury which had already resulted to the sister kingdom from that circumstance. In a country, however, governed by equal Jaws and a free constitution, he could see no practical means of compelling a residence, or removing the evil, under the present order of things. The clamours raised against the union by interested men in Ireland might, he said, mislead the judgment of many people; but the delusion could not be of a long continuance, and, in the end, reason would take the place of passion, and policy prevail over prejudice.

Earl Temple said, it might, perhaps, better have become him to have listened to the arguments urged by others upon the subject, than to have intruded his own. He thought it, however, the duty of every man, who had the honour of parliament at heart, to rescue it from the charge which an hon. gentleman, who opposed the measure, had sent into the world-" that the house was inclined to support a measure, which they wished the country to believe his majesty's ministers meant to carry into effect by force, by corruption, and by bribery." He was well aware, that there were many who opposed this measure, both in England and Ireland, on very different principles; and that there were some who op posed it in Ireland of known honour and integrity. Their abilities he admired; the perversion of them he sincerely regretted. contended, by the hon. gentleman who opposed the measure, that it

It had been

would

would have a tendency to irritate the minds of the Irish people. He remarked, that their passions were irritated already, by the men whose factious endeavours only looked to this or any measure as a stock on which to engraft confusion and rebellion. On the heads of those men, he said, and on their heads alone, who had deserted their country in order to fetter its government and cramp its councils, fall the irritation of the passions and the inflammation of the public mind in Ireland. It had been said by some hon. gentlemen, how mean it was to take advantage of the weakness of Ireland, and to force this measure upon the country. But how much more mean would it have been in England to have deserted Ireland in the moment of her weakness, and neglected her in the time of her peril? The hon. gentlemen, whom he conceived did not fancy themselves strangers to the state of Ireland, boldly asserted, that a union would infringe the compact of 1782: that compact which the hon. gentlemen thought proper to call "final." But he wished to ask the hon. gentlemen, who had ever called that compact "final" Did the parliament of England or Ireland ever call it "final?" No: none, said he, till the hon. gentle men chose to call it so, because it best suited their purpose that it should be thought so. The next argument which had been urged against the proposed measure was very extraordinary. The hon. gentlemen contended, that the parliament of Ireland had no right to pass an act which in its principle was contrary to the constitution of the country, and yet they allowed the competence of the Irish parliament to give complete emancipation to the catholics. Now he called upon them

to mention any one measure so completely militating against every principle of the Irish constitution, as it now stood, than the very measure they recommended. It had been contended, that a union with Ireland would affect the trade of that country. This, he said, could not possibly be; for the additional seeurity, which would be given to the country, must give additional encouragement to the employment of British capital. The value of land must increase in proportion to the protection which would be given to the landholder. It had been the opinion of some gentlemen in both countries, that, in case of a union, all the advantage would be on the side of England; but he asked, what were the advantages England would gain distinct from Ireland? Here the noble lord drew a comparison between Ireland and Scotland, and showed the great advantages which Scotland had derived by a union with England. After which he concluded by giving his decided vote for the report of the committee being brought up.

Mr. T. T. Jones said a few words, in answer to what had fallen from earl Temple.

Mr. Wilberforce Bird said he was sorry to have seen a gentleman (Mr. Peel), who had so strenuously opposed the Irish propositions, come forward and warmly espouse the de-. fence of a measure that must prove still more injurious to the trading and manufacturing interests of England.

Viscount Morpeth supported and recommended the measure of a union, as the only one that could correct the vices that were evidently inherent in the Irish government.

The solicitor general reprobated the agitation of the question, of the

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competency or incompetency of parliament to surrender the rights entrusted to it by the people, whose sovereignty was held up as the only source of government. It was attempting to establish a doctrine that led to nothing but anarchy, and the dissolution of all regular government!

Colonel Mark Wood spoke in fayour of the measure.

Mr. Banks said a few words in confirmation of his former sentiments. With respect to the independence of Ireland, he thought it was more to be ascribed to the volunteers than to the exertions of any men in parliament. If it was thought necessary to grant further immunities to the catholics, the parliament of Ireland was competent for it; but, he thought, they had granted indulgences to the catholics at a time when they were not fitted to receive them. With respect to a union, he was convinced there were many difficulties in the way. He could not see how local matter, such as canals, election disputes, &c. could be so well adjusted here as in a local parlia

ment.

Viscount Belgrave said a few words in support of the measure.

General Fitzpatrick said a few words relative to the final adjustment of 1782. It appeared that in what had passed on the subject between him and the chancellor of the exchequer on a former night, relative to the adjustment of 1782, there might be some misunderstanding as to the dates. He was disposed to think, that what the right honourable gentleman had stated to have been in the contemplation of the Duke of Portland, when in Ireland, must refer to a period prior to the final adjustment of 1782, and to something in agi

tation in the outset of the business He asserted then, that nothing far ther had ever been in the contem plation of the duke of Portland sub sequent to the bills by which the independence of Ireland had bee established.

Mr. Chancellor Pitt expressly stated, that the official dispatche of the duke of Portland did prov that, after the modifications o Poyning's act-after the resolution on which the bill settling the poin of Irish independence had passed something more was necessary. Sub sequent to the proceedings of the Irish parliament on the subject, and when the bill for the repeal of the act of George the First was consi derably advanced in its progress the duke continued to think some thing farther necessary, to secur not only commercial points, bu matters of political and imperia concern. General Fitzpatrick sti believed his recollection to be ac curate.

The house then divided on th question for bringing up the report for it, 120; against it, 16;-ma jority, 104. The house then pro ceeded to the consideration of th report, and the first resolution w read and agreed to.

Mr. Tierney objected to the oth resolutions as unnecessary; the gre object of showing to the people Ireland the disposition of the hou towards a union, being attaine He particularly objected to the six resolution, relative to the comme cial regulations, because he mig be instructed by his constituents oppose it.

The right honourable S. Doug supported the resolution, as nece sary to show the intention of p liament.

Mr. Wilberforce Bird, right nourable D. Ryder, Mr. Tiern

Sir W. Geary, and Mr. J. H. Browne, said each of them a few vords on different sides of the nestion.

The resolutions were then agreed 5, with some amendments; and Mr. Chancellor Pitt moved, that message be sent to the lords, reesting a conference respecting he means of perpetuating and improving the connexion between the wo countries, which was ordered. Mr. Chancellor Pitt moved, that carl Temple carry the message. Earl Temple then went up to the ouse of peers, and communicated he resolutions at a conference.

Monday, April 22, Mr. Chanellor Pitt moved the order of the lay, for taking into consideration he address from the lords upon the abject of the union with Ireland; which being read, he moved that he same be now taken into consiHeration.

The address being read, Mr. Chancellor Pitt moved, "that the touse do concur in the said adCres."

The right honourable Silvester Douglas said, the subject was of Je most extensive nature, and comprehended a great variety of consilerations. Since it had been first itated, several new objections had been urged against the measure, and particularly in the sister king dom.

There were two observations which cccurred in the progress of discussing the subject. One of these was expressed in such forcible language, by the grand jury of the city of Cork, that he be ged leave to repeat it. They said, "while they could not but lament that there had been a considerable difference of opinion amongst the loyal subjects of his majesty, they could not but remark, that the enemies of his

majesty's government in both countries had been unanimous in their opposition to this measure." The other observation was, that the opponents to this measure had endeavoured to prove, that the union between England and Scotland was totally irrelevant to the union with Ireland: but surely, he said, in this mode of proceeding, there was less candour than dexterity, as experience must teach every man to the contrary. He next made some remarks with respect to the compe tency of parliament; and said, it appeared to him, that, if it was not competent to parliament to conclude a treaty of this nature, he saw no constitutional anthority in the country that was competent. The holding of the contrary sentiment directly led to the mischievous and dangerous doctrine of the sovereignty of the people, and to the fiction of an original compact between the governors and the governed. He next made some ooservations on the settlement of 1782, which he said had been styled final; from which it was contended, that nothing henceforward was to be altered, even though for the benefit of Ireland. Mr. Douglas then entered into the nature of that settlement, and showed that it was never intended as final, but that some. thing farther was necessary to be done; in consequence of which, an address was presented to his majesty, desiring that he would be pleased to take measures farther to cement the connexion between the two countries.

Mr. Douglas then adverted to other objections. It had been contended by some, that this country was proposing to Ireland that which was perfectly nugatory. That under the pretence of admitting her a share in the legislature, it would be

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