The few of his letters that are given, do credit both to the writer and the selector. The private meditations evince the devotional turn and habits, which, doubtless, chiefly contributed to the support of the author's mind, under its outward and inward trials. On the whole, this volume is not only interesting, but highly instructive: and the latter, both for imitation and warning, especially to young men designed for, or engaged in, the ministry of the gospel.

The papers here published, or reprinted, shew that Mr. W. was zealously intent on doing good. He successively found occasions of refuting Antinomians, Swedenborgians, and Roman Catholics; of consoling the afflicted, and advising his younger friends of both sexes. The writer of this article hap pened personally and intimately to know Mr. W. in the earlier part of his course; and can bear his testimony to the indefati gable activity, not merely in preaching, but in the religious instruction of children, and in every mode of doing good, which characterised his deceased friend. His manners were delicate and amiable in a high degree. No young preacher of equal talents and acceptance, appeared to be more completely free from self conceit, or intrusive forwardness; and in many instances his ministry was signally useful. He did not trust to the precarious effect, of unconnected subjects for his discourses, when he had opportunity of pursuing a continued series: but a plan of this kind, which is inserted (pp. 13, 14) appears to us too defective to pass unnoticed, lest it should be adopted by any one implicitly as a pattern. Mr. W. proposed,

'On Lord's day mornings, to pursue regular series of subjects, so as to form an accurate body of divinity. On afternoons, to discuss those pas sages wherein the gospel is summarily announced in successive passages of scripture. This done, to succeed with the covenant of grace,' in its general disclosure, the Father's engagement to the son, &c. &c.; then to proceed with the promises of Christ, to Christ, in Christ, to the church in general, to saints in particular, &c.' pp. 13, 14.

The extreme danger of repetition, or of "wire-drawing," and "hair-splitting" the proposed subjects, in proceeding on such a plan, is obvious: but it seems liable to weightier objections, especially from its exclusion of those practical topics, which so largely engross the writings of the New Testament. These formed the substance of our Lord's personal ministry; these mostly occupied, as indeed they occasioned, the epistles; on these, the apostles dwelt in their discourses; and by these, even the book of Revelation is pervaded. The sublimest doctrines of the gospel are usually introduced by the inspired writers, for the evident and avowed purpose of enforcing some point of Christian conduct. Mr. White had been too well

instructed from above, to lose sight of this indispensable object; his letters promote practical piety, or oppose practical evils; and his sermons were doubtless designed for the same great ends. But the question is, whether he might not have adopted a more effectual method of accomplishing them? It is a question, indeed, that concerns every minister, every student, every hearer of the gospel and the most unexceptionable answer that can be given, is an appeal to inspired examples., What was our Lord's reply to Nicodemus?" Except a man be born again, he cannot see the kingdom of God."-To the young Ruler?"Give all thou hast to the poor, and follow, me."-To Martha? "One thing is needful." The apostle Paul, likewise was aware, that mankind in general know more than they practise, and that, without conviction of sin, they can feel no interest in the doctrines of salvation. When Felix therefore sent for him, to hear concerning the Faith of Christ, be "reasoned with him of righteousness, temperance, and judgement to come." While a vast proportion of the clergy fatally err, on the one hand, by keeping out of sight the peculiar doctrines of the Gospel, and on the other by substituting mere morality for evangelical holiness, the more enlightened of them, together with multitudes of dissenting teachers, in shunning these rocks, are sometimes apt to fly to an opposite extreme, and dwell upon a system of doctrines, which, without being closely and continually applied, fosters "the knowledge that puffeth up, not the charity which edifieth."

To return to the subject of the book. His acute feelings, from a variety of causes, gradually undermined his constitution; and, having tried too late the effects of a voyage to Dublin, he resigned his charge, and a few months afterwards his life, when he had completed only the fortieth year of his age. He was deeply lamented, as he had been justly beloved, by all who were acquainted with his worth, especially his surviving brethren in the ministry. One of them hardly more than half his age, of the most eminent qualifications for usefulness, who spoke over his grave, and was to have edited his literary remains, was cut off by a most afflicting casualty, before he could fulfil that friendly office.-But this subject awakens feelings that peremptorily demand its close. Our hearts have too recently bled, from a similar stroke, to admit of any other addition, than our Lord's apostrophe, to his heavenly Father, "not my will, but thine be done!"

Art. A Chronological Abridgment of the History of Great Britain, from the first invasion of the Romans to the year 1763. With genealogical and political tables. By Ant. Fr. Bertrand de Mole ville. 4 vols. 8vo. pp. 510, 483, 576, 580. Price 21. 10s. Cadell and Davies. 1812.

THERE is no kind of historical composition more useful,

perhaps none, in reality, more interesting, than that of which the president Henault has given the most perfect example. He has described, briefly but distinctly, and, in many instances, with great depth and originality, the principal events, laws, and customs connected with the external and domestic history of France: his work is full of remarks and illustrations, the result of extensive, if not always exact, research and in short there are few books, which, in so small a compass, contain so much and such important

matter.

A history of England executed on the same plan, and with equal ability, would doubtless supply a material deficiency in our literature: but we are by no means of opinion, that the vacant space is fully occupied by the work before us, although in itself considered it has considerable value. It is written, on the whole with spirit and talent, is compiled from good sources, and accompanied by short chronological tables and memoranda, appended to each of the nine periods into which is it divided. For this departure from the plan of Henault, M. de Moleville assigns various reasons, but none of thein appear to us quite satisfactory. It will be necessary, indeed, to abandon altogether the reference to the President, and consider these volumes as merely containing a new abridgment of the History of England, upon a larger scale, and with higher pretensions than usual.

Viewing the work in this light, however, we think the author has both extended it to an impolitic length, and has mingled with it too much of what is commonly called the "philosophy" of history. The narrative of an abridgment is necessarily naked and imperfect. What it principally requires is dexterity in throwing forward the important points, and in marking inferior circumstances rapidly but distinctly. It is obvious that in order to accomplish this, all comment, all discussion, all inference, must be discarded; the space so occupied being wanted for other and indispensable purposes. Besides, the readers of abridgments are generally of a cast to trouble themselves very little about reasoning and investigation: they have either no time or no relish for mental exercise: they want merely to know what oc

curred at a certain time, to be told a few particulars of the occurrence, and to be carried from one event to another with as little expenditure as possible of time and attention. By this class of readers, we fear, the slight and superficial sketch attributed to Goldsinith will be more highly prized than the very superior abstract of M. de Moleville.

This history is divided into nine periods: the first from the first expedition of Casar in Britain to its invasion by the Saxons the second from the termination of the first to the end of the Heptarchy: the third to the reign of William of Normandy th fourth to the reign the reign of Henry 2nd: the fifth to the reign of Henry 4th: the sixth to Henry 7th.; the seventh to the accession of the house of Stuart: the eighth comprehends the history and expulsion of that dynasty the ninth concludes the work.

M. de Moleville appears, on most occasions, to have consulted original authorities. For this he certainly merits praise: but the labours of preceding inquirers have made this task so comparatively easy, as to leave little more to their successors than the care of verifying the accuracy of their references. A more familiar acquaintance with the sources of their information, or a more impartial investigation of their import, would, we are persuaded, have frequently led our author to different results: nor can we receive, without pretty close scrutiny, the statements and comments made by a Frenchman of the ancien regime on the origin, the progress, and the sanction of our English liberties. It is full time, however, to furnish our readers with a specimen or two of the manner in which the work is written.

After describing the escape of Robert Bruce from the English court, our author proceeds as follows.

He arrived in a few days at Dumfries, the chief seat of his family interest, where he found a great number of the Scottish nobility assembled, and among them the traitor Cumming. He discovered to them the object of his journey, and represented to them with the greatest energy, that in the desperate extremity to which they were reduced it were better for them at once to perish like brave men with swords in their hands, than to dread long, and at last undergo the fate of the unfortunate Wallace.

The spirit with which this discourse was delivered, the bold sentiments which it conveyed, assisted by Bruce's manly deportment, and by the graces of his youth, roused all those principles of indignation and revenge with which the Scottish nobles had long been secretly actuated. They according. ly declared their unanimous resolution to second the courage of Bruce, in asserting his and their undoubted rights against their common oppres sors. Cumming alone, who had secretly concerted his measures with the king, opposed this general determination by his representations on

the great power of England, governed by a Prince of such uncommon vigour and abilities. Bruce already apprized of his perfidy, followed him on the dissolution of the assembly, attacked him in the cloisters of the Gray Friars, and running him through the body, left him for dead. Sir Thomas Kirkpatric asking him if the traitor was slain; "I believe so," replied Bruce;" and yet is that a matter," cried Kirkpatric, " to be left to conjecture? I will secure him," upon whica he drew his dagger, ran to Cumming, and stabbed him to the heart. The family of Kirkpatric took for the crest of their arms which they still wear, a hand with a bloody dagger, and chose for the motto these words, "I will secure him."

To us, this detail appears tame, spiritless, and in several points incorrect; the following account from the preface to the murder of Caerlaveroc in the third volume of Mr. Scott's Minstrelsy, is in all respects its perfect contrast.

In the year 1304, Bruce abruptly left the court of England, and held an interview, in the Dominical church of Dumfries with John, ⚫ surnamed from the colour of his hair, the Red Cuming, a powerful chieftain, who had formerly held "the regency of Scotland." It is said by the Scottish historians, that he upbraided Caming with having betrayed to the English monarch a scheme formed betwixt them, for asserting the independence of Scotland. The English writers maintain that Bruce proposed such a plan to Cuming, which he rejected with < scorn, as inconsistent, with the fealty he had sworn to Edward. The dispute, however it began, soon waxed high betwixt two fierce and • independent barons. At length, standing before the high altar of the church, Cuming gave Bruce the lie, and Bruce retaliated by a stroke of his poniard. Full of confusion and remorse for a homicide com⚫mitted in a sanctuary, the future monarch of Scotland rushed out of the church with the bloody poniard in his hand. Kirkpatric and Lindsay, two barons who faithfully adhered to him, were waiting at the gate. To their earnest and anxious enquiries into the cause of his emotion, • Bruce answered, I doubt I have slain the Red Cuming! doubtest • thou?' exclaimed Kirkpatric, I make sure!' Accordingly, with • Lindsay and a few followers, he rushed into the church, and dispatched the wounded Cuming. Hence the crest of Kirkpatric is a hand grasping a dagger, distilling gouts of blood proper, motto, • mak sicker.

I

Of the parallel which M. de Moleville has traced between the character of our Charles 1st and Louis 16th of France, the followng portion is, we think, the best.

There remains a peculiar disparity worth noticing, between the character of Charles I. and Lewis XVI. The latter, though endowed with the same personal courage and intrepidity as Charles, was much more deficient in that vigour of resolution which the situation of both so essentially required. But what is still more remarkable, that the history of Charles I. which Lewis never failed to read every day from the beginning of the revolution to the end of his life, instead of point VOL. VIIL

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