INAUGURAL ADDRESS

Of Benjamin Fitzpatrick, on being sworn into office as Governor of Alabama, delivered Nov. 22, 1841.

Gentlemen of the Senate and of the

House of Representatives:

With a feeling of unaffected gratitude for the confidence which a majority of my fellow-citizens have reposed in me, by electing me to the responsible office of the Chief Executive Magistrate of the State, and with a settled determination to requite that confidence, as far as I can, by an assiduous devotion of my feeble abilities to the public service, I present myself before you to incur the solemn obligations enjoined by the Constitution, and to assume the high and responsible duties assigned me.

In accordance with a custom, proper on such occasions, I avail myself of the present opportunity publicly to avow my opinions on some of the leading questions of State and Federal policy which have so long, and are destined still longer, to divide the public mind..

State Rights.

To the State governments belong the preservation of much of the larger class of individual rights, immediately appertaining to the security of life, liberty and property, but the extent to which even these rights are affected, by the constitutional action of the Federal Government, and the still greater extent to which they are involved by the unauthorized assumptions of Federal power, would seem to require upon such questions, the most open and frank avowal of sentiments, from every important depository of public trust, even in the State governments. That agent of State authority is but little to be trusted, who is willing to compromise the individual rights of the citizen, or that aggregation of individual right which attaches to the State as a sovereign member of the confederacy, to a theory of the Constitution, concedes to the Federal Government powers not only undelegated, but which, by the terms of the instrument, are expressly reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. I hold, that neither the States in their united capacity, nor does Congress possess any inherent power or original existence as a body politic. That the Constitution is a compact between the several States, in their sovereign capacity that compact, possessing no other powers than such as are expressly conferred, or such as are necessary and proper, to carry into effect some previously granted power.

as States-that the Federal Government is the creature of

Omnipotence of the Federal Government.

Those who assert the omnipetence of the Federal Government, so far as to dispute the right of the States, through any or all of its functionaries, to examine, discuss, or in any manner, to scrutinize the authority of the Federal Government, must forget that the first step to ascertain the limits of State power is, to know to what extent that power originally belonging to them as sovereigns, has been delegated to the Federal Government, and that in questions of disputed power, to yield to that government the exclusive prerogrative of judging of its own powers, and, as a consequence, to fix the limits of State power, is at once to annihilate the State governments, by making the creature supreme and controlling over its creators. Believing, therefore, that the States are the only counterpoise under our system to the consolidating tendency of Federal authority, and that to their jealous scrutiny we can alone look for confining the Federal Government, within the limits prescribed by the Constitution, I should have been false to the high trust to which I have been called, and to my long cherished convictions, not to have thus publicly, taken the earliest occasion to avow the opinion, that the first step in sustaining the sovereign rights of the States, and the liberties of the people, is to check the already overgrown power of the Federal Government.

Distribution of the proceeds of the Public Lands.

The present time is pregnant with admonitions. The distribution of the nett proceeds of the public lands, is but an attempt to buy up the States, and to make them stipendiaries of the Federal Government, under a fund wrung from the labor of their own citizens, under the flagitious assumption, that the power to distribute does not involve the necessity of taxation to an equivalent amount. He must be blind to the nature of human action, who does not see in

this scheme of distributing a portion of the public revenue, an artfully devised plan of assuming, to that extent, the State debts, throwing the whole burden of supporting the Federal Government, upon impost duties, and of reviving again an unconstitutional protective tariff. In principle, it is liable to all the constitutional objections of appropriating Federal money to the local objects, while in practice it will lead to the greatest profligacy and corruptions in the State governments, by causing them to look to the Federal Government as the great almoner, who at all times stands ready to replenish

their wasteful exhausted coffers.

United States Bank.

If to this picture of Federal aggrandizement and State and popular degradation, be added the re-union of bank power in the hideous form of another unconstitutional United States Bank, the advocates of implied and constructive powers will have succeeded in giving the finishing touch to our institutions, by engrafting on them all the usurpations which they have so long and so laboriously struggled to effect. I have adverted to these topics not to increase the acrimony of party divisions, which already exist in the country, but in this distinct form to renew the pledges of my whole life, in opposition to principles which I honestly believe, must end in the destruction of our State governments, and the subversion of our republican institutions,

Economy.

Session to encroach upon the more appropriate duties of the Not presuming in this address, and at this period of the very able and distinguished Chief Magistrate of the State, whose official station I am now about to assume, by making shall be pardoned for the remark, that, in the practical ada recommendation of any distinct legislative action, I hope I ministration of all governments, economy is one of the highest of public virtues. The essence of modern oppression is the amount of money which is taken from the people to suptaxation. The measure of popular liberty may be found in port the government. When the amount is increased beyond the requirements of a rigid economy, the government becomes profligate and oppressive.

I should do injustice, perhaps, to the history of our State Legislation, not to say that, so far, there have been but few, if any, gross and flagrant departures from a becoming economy in the expenditure of the public money by our State Legislature. Perhaps no State in the Union, has, heretofore, found less cause of complaint of actual prodigality, and yet it is a problem of great difficulty to say, to what extent our finances may be embarrassed by the revulsions which have overtaken our State banks and its branches, in common, more or less, with every form of paper credit known to the civilized world.

The paper system.

Whether the paper system will ever recover from these revulsions, begins to be, with many, a matter of serious doubt; certain it is, that no one has yet been able to devise a panacea which will relieve the banks of circulation of their inherent tendency to excess of issues, and the utter hopelessness of the attempt appears to be avowed in the effort, which is now making by a large party in the country, to cure all the evils of banking by the establishment of a great national institution, which shall differ from other institutions, in little else than in its greatest power, to sustain a greater amount of issues. Upon this supposition the inherent evil of paper expansion can be cured only by lending to some one institution the credit and revenues of the Federal Go

vernment, which so far from restraining will in fact, give it additional powers of expansion. To this reasoning, it is unnecessary for me to say I have never been a convert, nor can I lay claim to the wisdom of suggesting a plan of curing the evils, to which all admit the banking system in all its forms, as heretofore carried on, is so liable. But, if in addition to the evils of an irredeemable currency, we are to be subjected to the still further misfortune of losing a portion of the capital stock of some of the branches, common prudence would suggest the propriety of at least closing such branches. To the extent that the system works well, we should not needlessly abandon it, but to the extent to which it promises, to prolong the evils of a continued suspension of specie payments, and at the same time to lessen our means of preserving the credit of the State, it certainly cannot be too soon abandoned. That these objections to our State banking system, apply with very different force to the different branches, I am fully aware. The returns of the several branches will show great inequality in the prudence with which they have been respectively managed.

Internal Improvement.

Ardently devoted as I am to a judicious system of State internal improvement, and to a general diffusion of knowledge by common schools, the financial difficulties which threaten the State will probably leave us no other duty connected with those subjects, than a faithful and economical application of existing funds to the purposes for which they were originally intended. No one, I presume, can be so enthusiastic as to propose encouragement to those favorite purposes, by a resort to additional taxes in the face of the financial embarrassments, which we have too much reason to fear will shortly overtake us.

Credit of the State.

To maintain the credit of the State by a prompt discharge of our State debts as they severally fall due, our great reliance must be on the industry and energy of our population; the elements of productive wealth which are presented in a genial climate, a fertile soil, great natural advantages of inland navigation, and as bountiful a variety of valuable State products as an indulgent Providence has conferred upon any other country. That we may make the best possible application of these natural advantages, is my fervent wish, and shall be the constant object of my most faithful efforts in the public service.

An enormous animal of this species was killed in Sidney, a short time since, about seven miles from this place, by a party who were out fox hunting. They came upon and followed his tracks about three miles, when they overtook him in the woods, and fired at him at the distance of about fifteen feet, without any apparent effect; he retreated some fifty rods and stopped; two of the party again approached to within about ten feet, and fired again, when he turned and came at his pursuers with the utmost ferocity; but fortunately a hound which they had with them, seized him behind, and caused him again to retreat a short distance. After firing a dozen rounds of shot and balls, they so disabled him as to allow them to approach and knock him on the head with an He measured 7 feet in length, and 12 inches round the fore arm, and weighed nearly 200 pounds. He has been exhibited in this town, and is considered the most fermidable animal ever taken in our forests. He had not long been in that vicinity, and it is surprising how an animal of this kind could have penetrated into so populous a territory without being sooner discovered, and hunted down.

axe.

Kennebec Journal.

New Railroad Car.

Mr. Robert Grant of Baltimore is now exhibiting at the Exchange in that city, a model of a railroad car, the invention of which he claims. The design of the car is to prevent its running off the track, no matter how short the curve, and without diminishing the speed; also to prevent friction, &c. The invention, if it proves to answer, is one of much value.

Isaac Hill in his discourse on the mountains of New England, mentions the following fact:

"I know a family of sons and daughters born upon the side of Moosehillock which mounts nearly five thousand feet above the ocean, thirteen of whom averaged more than six feet each in height; and this family had repeatedly turned out its 3000 lbs. of maple sugar annually, made at that season when farmers who have no sugar trees are laying upon their oars."

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WAR DEPARTMENT, ? December 1, 1841. S Sir-The reports of the Major General Commanding the Army, and of the Heads of the different Bureaus, attached to this Department, upon the several subjects committed to its charge, are herewith submitted.

The accuracy of the information, and the fullness of the views thus exhibited will render superfluous any extended observations from one but recently called to the consideration of the various matters so well presented by officers of great experience and acknowledged ability. Such remarks, however, as scem required, will be made in the course of the following statement of the general results derived from these reports.

Number of Troops in Service.

From the general return of the Army, contained in the report of the Major General, commanding in chief, it appears that the whole number of troops in service, is ten thousand six hundred and ninety-four: consisting of seven hundred and twenty-eight commissioned officers, and nine thousand nine hundred and sixty-six non-commissioned officers, musicians, and privates. The aggregate exceeds the number specified in the report of 1840, by one hundred and twenty-four. Of the whole number, nine thousand eight hundred and eighty-two are reported as present, and the residue (eight hundred and twelve) are absent or sick of whom four hundred and forty-seven are absent on detached service. To complete the organization of the Army, eighteen hundred and thirty-eight recruits are required.

During the past year the whole number recruited was four thousand nine hundred and twenty-two.

Military operations in Florida.

No. 25.

Within the year, a new aspect has been given to the military operations in Florida. The minuteness and accuracy with which they are detailed in the report of the Commanding General, render any other account of them unnecessary. It would be unjust, however, to withhold the expression of the cordial approbation which is felt by this Department, and, it is believed, by the whole country, of the gallant enterprise, and patient endurance of the troops and their able Commander, Colonel Worth. Overcoming the feelings which a contest with such enemics must produce in the soldiers of a civilized country, and consulting only the high dictates of duty, they have persevered in a contest, which, in the only means of conducting it, more resembles the pursuit of animals, than a warfare with human beings, and in which the triumphs of success are mingled with pity, not far removed from contempt, for an inglorious foe.

The last advices from that quarter confirm the expectations of a speedy and successful result to the campaign. All that high intelligence, devoted zeal, consummate bravery, and irrepressible energy, can contribute to that result, will continue to be exerted by the troops, and their gallant commander, for whom the difficulties of a contest without resemblance in the history of war, seems to have no terrors.

The suggestions, in the same report, of the Commanding General, respecting officers holding appointments, at the same time, both in the line and in the staff, with the right of promotion in each, and respecting the inequality of pay be tween officers of the same grade, in the different branches of service, are worthy of great consideration, emanating as they do from long experience, the result of intelligent and disinterested observation. And the recommendation of the present General-in-Chief concurring with those of his lamentcd and distinguished predecessor, in relation to pensions, will doubtless attract the attention of Congress to that sub

Indian Wars.

On the Western frontier, the Indians have been kept from wars among themselves, and from hostile acts against our citizens. With the exception of some depredations alleged to have been committed in Texas by the Caddoes, a tribe, for whose conduct that country is more responsible than we are, the native tribes appear to be quiet, and indicate no disposition to commence aggressions. On the Northern frontier, the presence of the troops has been, doubtless will continue to be, of eminent service in preserving the peaceful relations of the country with the adjacent territories of Great Britain. At the North-east, the small force stationed near the disputed boundary line seems required for the same purpose.

VOL, V.-49

such a source.

The very moderate increase of two regiments to our Army, recommended in the same report, will unquestionably be received with all the confidence due to any suggestions from The necessity for such an increase, to man the forts, posts, and fortifications, on our inland and maritime frontiers, will be apparent on a consideration of the plans for the national defence which have been proposed, and wholly or partially adopted. A brief and connected view of those plans seem appropriate and necessary for that purpose, and to a full understanding of those parts of the reports herewith communicated relating to the subject. It is necessary, also, in explanation of the estimates submitted for appropriations to continue and complete the means of protection and defence. In presenting such a view, the occa sion will be taken to make such observations as may seem to be required.

Defences of the Country.

The defences of the country may be regarded under three distinct heads. First, for the protection of the western frontier against Indian hostilities. Second, precautions against aggressions from the colonial possessions of foreign powers in our vicinity, at the North. And, third, the defence of ar

maritime frontier.