as the perfume upon the robes of its most "exclusive" worshipper— has given the Stars and Stripes a place above the Cross, upon its exquisite Gothic spire. Many a glorious strain rolls out upon the air like an invocation from Trinity's bells-the very heavens seem resonant of "Yankee Doodle," "Star Spangled Banner," "Hail Columbia," "Red, White and Blue," as regiment after regiment hurries on its eager way toward the battle-ground for a country. It is a jubilate of which "Churchmen" throughout the world may be proud, for its grand harmony is of the great gospel of humanity and patriotism. Bishop Potter, in a reply to the strictures of a "Southern Episcopalian," on his prayer and address, said:

"I do not believe that at the North one man in fifty desires an invasion of your soil or the destruction of your social system. They simply desire that you should not break up the Union by your method of leaving it, but refer all subjects of complaint to a Convention of all the States, which will be competent either to redress all grievances or to provide a way in which you can retire from the Union without dissolving the whole fabric of our General Government.

Under the present exasperated state of the sections, it is impossible to say to what length this conflict may go. But I assure you that in the few lines above, you have the whole animus of the loyal States and of the Union men everywhere. Only the smallest number of families think or talk of slavery. The whole question is one of self-defense, and of Government or no Government."

The Roman Catholics are "brothers in a common cause." Archbishop Hughes comes out boldly and manfully for the Government. An American flag floats from the tower of his Cathedral. The Methodists are behind none in their devotion to the Union, the Constitution and the Laws. What a record!

III.

PURPOSES OF THE FEDERAL AUTHORITIES IN WAGING A CONTEST WITH THE "SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY."

HE thousand and one hints, guesses, statements and declarations of the English press regarding the purposes of the Government at Washington, in prosecuting the war on the Southern States,-in most instances made from a want of correct information, or from a misinterpretation of the documents now before the world-render it proper for us to set forth clearly the true nature of the contest.

It is first, a contest of defense against violence and assault.

It is secondly, a struggle to protect the people from usurpation.

It is thirdly, an effort to regain the property and possessions of the General Government seized by Southern mobs.

It is fourthly, a struggle to save the Union from dishonorable and forcible disruption.

It is fifthly, a war to suppress the enemies of peace, law, order, humanity and republicanism.

These are the motives of the contest-accepted by the people of the Northern States almost universally: and any statements of any party that it is a war of aggrandizement on the part of the North -that it is waged in a spirit of persecution of Southern institutions and rights is not only a libel on the patriotism of the Free States, and their respect for the mandates of the Constitution, but is calculated to create a sympathy for the Southern States in the hearts of all not fully informed in the premises. That the latter was the purpose of the London Times, in its unmistakably malicious asservation [quoted under another head] we do not doubt, seeing that that assertion has been followed by others equally mistaken and deceptive in their nature; but we know English intelligence too well not to feel that, when the truth is known, the Times and its echoes will be despised for their presumption and their disregard of the claims of justice.

Mr. Lincoln is no "Abolitionist." The Republican party, by whose votes he was constitutionally elected, is not “abolitionized" in the least. He believes, and the Republican party believes, that Congress has no power to interfere with Slavery in the States-that those States which have adopted pro-slavery constitutions, and buy and sell human beings, are at liberty to do so, and are protected by the United States Constitution and the United States Supreme Court. The assumption of Southern politicians that the election of Mr. Lincoln argued a design to interfere with their rights, on the part of the North, has not a shadow of foundation in truth. Any interference, even if it were wished, would be absolutely impossible. So strong has been the sentiment of protection to the South, that the Republican party, as a party, dared not even to propose a repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law-a most offensive and unnatural enactment, solely made to conciliate the South. It sets at defiance and overrides the laws of States; it nullifies the habeas corpus act; it virtually makes the Constitution protect slavery in the Free States. Yet, rather than give the South any pretext for complaint, the people of the Free States have submitted to the odious enactment and have not even proposed its modification, much less its repeal.

Presuming upon this forbearance, the Southern leaders, even up to a late day, positively counted upon a strong Southern party in the Northern States who, for trade and profit, would certainly stand by the South and compel the Lincoln Administration to recognize the independence of the Southern Confederacy. They mistook a desire for peace-a submission to law-for the spirit of poltroonery; they believed, that to be successful needed but to be bold in their measures, and depended upon the commercial spirit of the North as their sure, certain instrument of defense.

That they have been deceived is now painfully apparent to themselves. The Government rises in its majesty, to restore its outraged authority to regain its plundered mints, arsenals, depots and fortsto collect its abrogated revenues-to protect its loyal citizens from outrage and death-to restore the laws to their efficiency and ancient

force; and the people sustain the Government with an enthusiasm which can but carry confidence, to the hearts of all disinterested observers, of its ultimate, overwhelming triumph.

That the war is, as we have asseverated, one to sustain the Union and the Laws, we have only to point to every state paper or address issued by the President or his advisers, or by the Generals commanding the Military Departments over which they hold command. All these papers and orders have been couched in kindness, in amity, in a spirit of unquestioned forbearance:-were they otherwise, the ever merciful Free States would repudiate them.

The instructions of our Government to Mr. Adams, our Minister to the Court of St. James, are not, as we write, made public. We have no reason to believe, however, that they differ in spirit or tone from those issued to Mr. Dayton, the American Minister-resident to the French Government. We may therefore quote from them as foreshadowing the purposes of Mr. Lincoln's administration in the prosecution of this contest. Mr. Seward, Secretary of State, in his instructions to Mr. Dayton, says:

"You may, therefore, recall that conversation to M. Thouvenel's memory, and then assure him explicitly that THERE IS NO DIFFERENCE OF OPINION WHATEVER BETWEEN THE PRESIDENT AND HIS CONSTITUTIONAL ADVISERS, OR AMONG THOSE ADVISERS THEMSELVES, CONCERNING THE POLICY THAT HAS BEEN PURSUED, AND WHICH IS NOW PROSECUTED BY THE ADMINISTRATION IN REGARD TO THE UNHAPPY DISTURBANCES EXISTING IN THE COUNTRY. The path of executive duty has, thus far, been too plainly marked out by stern necessity to be mistaken.

The United States waited patiently, while their authority was defied in turbulent assemblies and insidious preparations, willing to hope that mediation, offered on all sides, would conciliate and induce the disaffected parties to return to a better mind. But the case is now altogether changed. The insurgents have instituted revolution with open, flagrant, deadly war, to compel the United States to acquiesce in the dismemberment of the Union. The United States

have accepted this civil war as an inevitable necessity. The constitutional remedies for all the complaints of the insurgents are still open to them, and will remain so. But, on the other hand, the land and naval forces of the Union have been put into activity, to restore the federal authority, and to save the Union from danger.

You cannot be too decided or too explicit in making known to the French Government that there is not now, nor has there been, nor will there be any, the least idea existing in this Government of suffering a dissolution of this Union to take place in any way whatever. There will be here only one nation and one government, and there will be the same republic, and the same consitutional Union that have already survived a dozen national changes and changes of government in almost every other country. These will stand hereafter, as they are now, objects of human wonder and human affection. You have seen, on the eve of your departure, the elasticity of the national spirit, the vigor of the national Government, and the lavish devotion of the national treasures to this great cause. Tell M. Thouvenel, then, with the highest consideration and good feeling, that the thought of a dissolution of the Union, peaceably or by force, has never entered into the mind of any candid statesman here, and it is high time that it be dismissed by statesmen in Europe."

The sentiments of this document are only those of a solemn devotion to a mighty, imperative duty; and the vast preparations made and making, by the authorities at Washington, and by the authorities of the entire eighteen Northern States as well as by Maryland, Delaware, Kentucky and Missouri, those Slave States still acknowledging the authority of the Federal Union-are for the purpose of sustaining this view of the Secretary of State. We submit to the English people if less could be expected from the Government, and if, under the circumstances, the war is either one of aggression or injustice? Let them imagine Ireland and Scotland in arms against their union with England and Wales:—would they not characterize a ministry as imbecile and base, which, after exhausting persuasion and argument, did not resort to arms to restore its outraged authority?