ation is made of recently contracted obligations in London, turn the claims over to the London Times establishment:-it doubtless will be very happy to accommodate British holders of "Confederate" bonds at about forty per cent. off. The establishment could, from the shave found another life annuity for Mr. Russell, for his "eminent services" in behalf of an "oppressed people."

But, irony and badinage aside:-is there not, in the incontestable proofs of Southern dishonor, toward English as well as American creditors and friends, good cause for regarding any promises of the "Confederates" with suspicion? If Northern merchants and Northern States had pursued the course of the Slave States and slaveholders, would their commercial relations with England have remained those of amity and confidence? Why should Southern dishonor be regarded with less leniency?

VII.

OF THE SYMPATHY SHOWN IN ENGLAND FOR THE SLAVE CONFEDERACY.

HE writer of this will not be so unjust as to charge upon the great body of the English people sympathy with the revolutionists in America. He knows that the heart of the masses and the spirit of British intelligence repudiate any fellowship with human slavery. But he is amazed to find several of the leading journals of the kingdom, as well as several of the most eminent of its statesmen, covertly and indirectly conniving at the rebellion against the Constitution and the Union, and, by their politic views, creating an erroneous impression with regard to the position of the Northern States in this unhappy contest. To counteract as far as a statement of facts may do so this truly impolitic course of Tory papers, and of lords less prudent than humane, is the purpose of this appeal to intelligent Britons-those who would not sacrifice principle and right in a mere desire for commercial gain.

The London Times sounded the key-note of its inception of this crisis in the history of the American Republic as follows:

"There is no principle whatever in the contest, only a mere sectional struggle for aggrandizement-that the whole North is in war-paint, brandishing the tomahawk and scalping knife, and that men are still living to see the fall of the Great Republic that witnessed its formation."

Considering that the very existence of the Republic is threatened— that a Southern mob is installing a reign of terror and uprooting the very foundations of the peace and welfare of the country-that the openly avowed and oft repeated purpose of the disunionists is to subjugate the Free State majority of the North-this declaration of the Times savors, to American apprehension, as much of malice as of dishonesty in its prevarication of the truth. Let the candid reader refer to the section of this paper treating of the “immediate Cause of

the Rebellion," and see how far the Times is justified in its statement of the matter: let him refer to the "Religious Sentiment of the Country on the Rebellion" and learn what Christian men pronounce the war to be.

There must be some ulterior design in this prevarication. The presence of Mr. Russell-the "special correspondent" of the journal named-in Montgomery, Charleston and New Orleans, petted by Slave owners and honored by Slave breeders with ovations, is evidence less of the spirit of enterprise than of the desire to propitiate the Slave Cotton-growing States, and to give them, as far as his presence may do so, the moral force of the patronage of the London Times. Every letter yet written by Mr. Russell shows that he studiously avoids the great social, moral and inter-state bearing of the controversy, viewing it only in its commercial and material relations. How can he, a free-born Englishman, look upon the slave-pens of Montgomery and not utter one lament over the struggle which has for its prime object the extension of these pens into every possible section of the United States? His instructions might tell the reason of this silence upon the "questions of question." How must he, a free-born Englishman, recoil before the sentiments of Mr. Stephens, the "Vice President" of the "Confederacy":

"The foundations of our Government are laid-its corner-stone rests, upon the great truth, that the negro is not equal to the white man—that slavery, subordination to the superior race, is his natural and moral condition. THIS, OUR NEW GOVERNMENT, IS THE FIRST IN THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD BASED UPON THIS GREAT PHYSICAL AND MORAL TRUTH." We must think that he is silent from authority-that he has put aside Russell the man, in Russell the Times correspondent.

Lord John Russell's hurried recognition of the rebels as "belligerents" was uncalled for, injudicious and indefensible. That he himself will regret it, we cannot possibly doubt; and that it will be so construed by his lordship as to render it of little avail to the Slave Confederates and their piratical friends, we feel is inevitable, opposed, as the recog

nition is, to the sentiments and wishes of the English people. He declares:

"Even if the Southern States should be considered to be in the condition of rebels, it is in accordance with the law of nations that we should recognize their authority to place cruisers upon the high seas."

If they have authority, under the laws of nations, to place cruisers on the high seas, they have the right to carry their prizes into British ports. What do Englishmen say to the Slave yacht Wandererwhich landed a cargo of Africans in Georgia, and is now commissioned to "cruise on the high seas"-preying upon the vessels of the North which may be bearing English products to American shores, or which may be bearing grain and meats of America to English shores in exchange for merchandise and manufactures? What do they say to opening their ports to receive the "cruisers," and to open depots for their cargoes' safe keeping and sale?

Let us assume a parallel case to illustrate the actual state of the matter. Suppose Scotland should repent of her union with the English Crown-should "rebel" and cast off her allegiance-should violently seize all the property of the Crown within her bordersshould whip, scourge, tar-and-feather, imprison and hang loyal Englishmen wherever they should be discovered-should compel every Scotsman to flee for his life who presumed to oppose the mad scheme of "secession," and confiscate his property-should erect a despotism without allowing the people a right to vote upon the change-should declare human bondage a divine institution, and should make the traffic in human flesh the "corner-stone" of the new State-should commission privateers to cruise the high seas and seize upon British commerce swarming in all the waters of the globe:-in such a case what would be the sentiments of the English people and Crown toward the American Government if its Secretary of State should recognize Scotland as a "belligerent power?" We should justly merit their scorn and indignation, and should feel that a withdrawal of all relations with this country would be justified upon every principle of

self-respect and right. Can America demand less of the Br Crown and people than their utter and entire non-recognition of rebellious States, in any light?

The London Morning Herald, not less politic than the Time less discreet, for it declares:

"If cotton is not got by fair means, we must not scruple to use means, or the daily bread of four or five millions of the working p lation will be stopped."

Here we have the veil lifted. Cotton must be had even if the w fabric of the Republic dissolve. The same spirit would go far if necessary, and say: "If cotton is not to be got by fair means must not scruple to use foul means; therefore we will aid American Slave States to negroes and new territory, to produce en of the staple to employ all our poor."

When we realize that slavery was one of our inheritances from C Britain that the fathers of our Republic designed to be rid of institution as quietly as possible by gradual emancipation-that humane design has been thwarted by the growth of cotton to the demands of English looms-that this demand has increased number of slaves from a few hundred thousand to over four mil -that it is in behest of the cry for "more cotton" that the slave-b ers and cotton-growers demand admittance for their "peculiar tution" into the unsettled territories of the United StatesNorthern States of the American Union feel that much of the d of American slavery rests at the door of England; and if they excitable at any sympathy shown the rebels, either directly or cov it may be forgiven in the spirit which instigates the excitemen spirit of utter hostility to any farther aid and comfort to slavery slave extensionists. The Northern States embrace more than eighths of the population and taxable wealth of these thirty-four S of the Union; their enterprise, their commerce, their resources made the country what it is. Cotton is but one of many commo which have contributed to the prosperity of the country-only seventh of its actual resources, and it has been rendered a sour