held to be.

Antiochus still maintained a garrison in Perga. When the spring came, Manlius moved across the mountains from Apamea into Pamphylia. The corn and the bullion were being brought from Syria overland in waggons and on oxen. After the consul had waited three days the long train wound into sight, having found more delays upon the journey than had been taken into account.1

Manlius now required the garrison in Perga to surrender the city. The commander begged for a respite of thirty days, in order that he might ascertain the King's will. To this Manlius agreed, and within the given time an order had come from court for the surrender. And now the ten commissioners had landed at Ephesus and were proceeding up country. The consul returned with his army to meet them at Apamea.2

3

The Peace of Apamea made the new basis on which the Seleucid house was to deal with the peoples of the West. Its main provisions were the abandonment by Antiochus of all the country beyond the Taurus and the payment of the war indemnity to Rome and Eumenes. How exactly the new frontier was drawn is obscure. The indemnity still due to Rome, 12,000 talents of silver, was to be paid, as arranged, in twelve annual instalments; and besides the money indemnity Antiochus was to supply 90,000 medimni of corn. There were important provisions intended to disable the Seleucid power utterly for offensive action in the West. The whole fleet was to be delivered up, and no more than ten decked ships of war to be kept in the future; these, moreover, were not to sail farther west than the promontory Sarpedonium, except when conveying instalments of the indemnity, ambassadors, or hostages. The war elephants of the Seleucids. were to be all surrendered and no more to be kept. No recruiting officers were any more to set foot in the sphere of Roman dominion to raise mercenaries for the Seleucid service. Certain persons peculiarly obnoxious to Rome, such as

1 Polyb. xxi. 43; Liv. xxxviii. 37, 8; Diod. xxix. 13.

2 Polyb. xxi. 44; Liv. xxxviii. 37, 11.

3 The crucial sentence is fallen out of Polybius, and is corrupt in Livy : "excedito urbibus agris vicis castellis cis Taurum montem usque ad Tanaim amnem et ea (a Paris.) valle Tauri usque ad iugum (ab iuga Bamb.) qua in Lycaoniam (Lycaonia Bamb.) vergit." See the article of Mommsen cited below.

VOL. II

I

Hannibal and the Aetolian Thoas, were specified for extradition, if they could be caught; but besides these, Antiochus bound himself to deliver up any subjects of Rome or Eumenes found in the ranks of his army. Other clauses regulated various minor matters, such as the protection of Rhodians trafficking in the Seleucid realm and their property. Twenty hostages were to be given by Antiochus, who could, with the exception of the young Antiochus, be changed every other year.1

The consul swore to the Peace on behalf of Rome. His brother and legatus Lucius Manlius went with one of the ten commissioners to Syria to exact the King's oath and take security for the fulfilment of his obligations. The clause relating to the royal navy Manlius lost no time in carrying into effect. Polyxenidas, it will be remembered, had left his fleet at Patara. Quintus Fabius Labeo, by the consul's order, now sailed to that harbour and gave fifty ships of war to the flames.2

The hundred years' struggle of the house of Seleucus for Asia Minor had come to an end.

1 Polyb. xxi. 45; Liv. xxxviii. 38; App. Syr. 39; Mommsen, Römische Forschungen, ii. p. 511 f.; E. Meyer, Rhein. Mus. Neue Folge xxxvi. (1881), p. 120 f. Polyb. xxi. 46; Liv. xxxviii. 39.

2

CHAPTER XXII

THE INTERVAL OF PEACE

THE history of the Seleucid dynasty up to the battle of Magnesia has been one of almost continuous war. "At the return of the year, at the time when kings go out to battle," says the record of the old Hebrew monarchy, and in the Seleucid kingdom too it had come to be the normal thing for the King to march out at the end of every winter and spend his summer in the field. For the first time this activity is suspended after the stunning fall given Antiochus III by the adversary with whom he had rashly closed. For fourteen years after Magnesia there is a lull. Then new commotions begin, and cease only with the ceasing of the dynasty. It is the negative quality of these fourteen years which makes them remarkable.

It has hitherto been misleading to speak of the Seleucid kingdom as "Syrian." Till the time of Seleucus II Kallinikos, Asia Minor, as we saw, was the land where the kings were most at home, and although by the division in the family itself the court of the elder king, Seleucus II, was fixed east of the Taurus, the Seleucid house was always straining towards the west, and in the last years before Magnesia we saw Antiochus residing as much in Ephesus as in Antioch. But now Asia Minor was barred against the house of Seleucus for ever; the empire, which had almost been the empire of Alexander, was become the kingdom of Syria. in what environment this kingdom found itself, neighbours it would have to do.

1 2 Samuel 11, 1.

Let us see with what

But in the first place we should observe that although the long wars of Antiochus III ended in the collapse of Magnesia, they were not altogether without fruit. Two provinces, which at his accession were politically separate from Syria, he left united with it-Cilicia and Cole-Syria (Palestine). The realm had thus to some degree gained in compactness what it had lost in extent. It embraced the whole country of Aramaïc speech.

For some

Asia Minor had passed from Seleucid rule, but the Seleucid kingdom must still be affected by its fortunes and maintain close relations with the powers that ruled there. time after Magnesia no one knew what the outcome of the battle would be. The Seleucid power had been thrust back across the Taurus; but Rome did not immediately intimate what she intended to do with the vacated territory. The following winter (190-189) was one of a great diplomatic scramble. From every part of Asia Minor envoys hastened to Rome. All the states interested were eager to put their particular views before the Senate.

After the Peace of Apamea (188) the ten commissioners who had fixed its conditions proceeded to make the great territorial settlement in Asia Minor, which lasted with slight modifications till the extinction of the Pergamene dynasty sixty years later. Rome took nothing for herself; she trusted to influence rather than direct sovereignty. The net result of her arrangements was to put Eumenes of Pergamos in the place of the Seleucid King; almost the whole of the Seleucid domain fell to him as King of Asia.1

It was not quite the whole of the Seleucid domain which Eumenes got. In the first place, Caria south of the Meander and Lycia were made subject to the other great ally of Rome, to Rhodes; the seaport of Telmessus only, on the confines of Lycia and Caria, was made over to Eumenes.2 In the second

1 Asia was the official designation of the kingdom of Eumenes. 'ATTáλw Ti χαλεπήνας τῷ βασιλεῖ τῆς ̓Ασίας τῆς περὶ τὸ Πέργαμον τὴν γῆν ἐδῄου τὴν ̓Ασιάδα, App. Mith. 3. "Ex Asia. . . redierunt legati, qui renuntiarunt Eumenem in ea, Antiochum in Syria, Ptolemaeum in Alexandria sese convenisse," Liv. xlii. 26.

2 As an enclave in the Rhodian domain? or did it communicate with the inland possessions of Eumenes by Milyas?

1

place, the Romans, having come to Asia with such high professions of freeing the Greeks, were bound to do something to make them good. They could hardly take away from Eumenes the cities which were his, and to satisfy at once his claims as an ally and the claims of the cities as Greek states was not a simple matter. The Romans found a practical way out of the difficulty by deciding that all those cities which formed part of the inherited domain of Eumenes should continue tributary to the Pergamene king. To these were to be added those cities which had held by Antiochus till after the battle of Magnesia. This "enslavement" of them could be justified as a punishment, although in many cases it must probably have been known that the city had had little choice in the matter, shaping its policy under the eyes of a garrison. All those states which had renounced their allegiance to Antiochus before the battle of Magnesia were to be free. Even so the new realm of Eumenes included some of the most illustrious cities of Asia Minor-Sardis, the old capital; Ephesus, the great harbour and commercial centre; Magnesia under Sipylus, Tralles, and Telmessus. Pamphylia, which the Seleucid court maintained to lie on the southern side of the Taurus, was ultimately assigned by the Senate to Eumenes.2

There are now then four kingdoms in Asia Minor with whom the Macedonian houses of Seleucus and Antigonus have to treat on a footing of equality-the kingdom with its capital at Pergamos, the kingdom of Bithynia, the kingdom of Pontic Cappadocia, and the kingdom of southern Cappadocia. Besides the territories ruled by these four kings there are the continental domain of Rhodes, the territories of the independent Greek cities, certain petty principalities, and the lands held by barbarian tribes, such as the Pisidians and Gauls.

It

These last still constituted a danger for civilization. was the Gauls who had furnished Antiochus with the most formidable part of his armies. In the year following Magnesia (189) the consul Gnaeus Manlius had made an expedition

1 ὅσαι δ' Αττάλῳ σύνταξιν ἐτέλουν, Polyb. xxi. 48, 2. It is noticeable that to the payment exacted by the Pergamene king the term σúvražis is here applied— the euphemism (as we saw, vol. i. p. 106) by which an attempt was made to cloak the ugly fact of a Greek city paying tribute.

2 Polyb. xxi. 48; Liv. xxxviii. 39; cf. Strabo xiv. 667.