Imatges de pÓgina


Anno 8. Geo. 11. generally the same with our own ; and at present was the

more necessary, because great Endeavours were us'd to engage that Court on the other Side of the Question, which might have proved of the most fatal Consequence to the Liberties of Europe, and consequently to those of this Nation.

• The Experience of the last two Wars against France may convince us, Sir, how dangerous it is to allow any one Power in Europe to exalt itself too much, and how expensive it may prove, to reduce a Power that has once got too great an Ascendant over its Neighbours. The Expence, which Great Britain is to be put to by, this Treaty with Denmark, muft appear very inconsiderable to every Gentleman who considers, that we thereby not only secure the Aslistance of a powerful Kingdom, but prevent their being engaged against us, in case the Event of the War should make it necessary for us to join the other Side. In all Cases it is certainly prudent upon any Emergency, to lay out a small Sum, when it is probable we may by so doing prevent our being afterwards brought under a Necessity of putting ourselves to a much greater Expence: And this is the very Case at present in relation to our Treaty with Denmark.

• It is well known, Sir, that Nations are, in all their publick Transactions, governed by their own Interest ; and as all Europe knew that great offers were making to Denmark, to secure them on that Side, against which we might soon be under a Neceflity to engage; therefore it became absolutely necessary for us to offer them such Terms as might convince them, that it was more their Interest to join in Alliance with us, than with either of the Parties concerned in the War: I must therefore think, that the concluding this Treaty was one of the most prudent Steps his Majesty could take, and the Conditions on our Part are so reasonable, that I think every Gentleman in this House must approve of them; and therefore, I hope, this Motion will be agreed to

without Opposition.' Str W. Wynthaim. Mr Walpole's Motion was oppos'd by Sir William Wynd. Sir J. Barnard. ham, Mr Palten:y, Sir John Barnard, Mr Sandys, Mr

Shippen, and Sir John Hynde Cotton, who alledg'd the folSite on. Mindelowing Arguments against the Motion.

Sir, • I am glad to hear that we are as yet no way engaged in the War; if it be so, I am sure it is ridiculous to put the Nation to a great Expence, to provide against a Danger which may never happen. As we have no particular In. terest of our own for inducing us to engage in the present War, but only the Danger the Balance of Power may be in by that Event: And as all the Powers of Europe are as

Mr Shippen.



or more, interested in the Preservation of that Ba- Anno 8. Geo. II. than we are ; if it should come to be in any real er, they would certainly engage in its Defence, withceiving any valuable Confideration from us ; but if puld be always the first to take the Alarm upon any

breaking out, and offer Bribes and Pensions to all the s in Europe, the whole Charge of preserving that Bawould fall

upon this Nation ; and each of them would, every such Occafion, expect a Bribe or a Pension from hd, for doing that which he would otherwise be obliged for his own Preservation : Even the Dutch may at last to afsift, when the Balance of Power is really in Danless we submit

to make the Grand Pensionary of HolPenfionary of England, and take a Number of their into English Pay is really surprising, Sir, to hear Gentlemen talk of lance of Power's being in Danger, and that we must

begin to provide for its Preservation, when there is 'rince or State in Europe, who seems to apprehend h Matter. The Dutch have not put themselves to illing Expence on account of the present War, or for 1ediation they are engaged in as well as we. The and States of Germany are so far from being appre

of any Danger, by the Event of the present War, ne of the most considerable of them have actually enin a Neutrality. Even the King of Denmark, whom e thought necessary to engage by a confiderable yearly , is himself a Prince of the Empire, and would ceruffer, by the Overturning the Balance of Power in

much sooner than this Nation would ; and therefore t conclude, that it is more immediately his Interest to

not only in Defence of that Balance, but in Defence Empire ; yet we, it seems, have been so generous as life to reward him bountifully for doing what is ab

necessary for his own Preservation. This, Sir, is a ernicious Example, it may at last bring the Balance ver into real Danger, because it may tempt all the

of Europe to neglect it, until we grant them yearly s for taking Care of it ; and perhaps this very Prehas now provoked all the other Princes of Germany

off, on Purpose to engage us to extend our Bounty ame Manner to each of them.

tell us, Sir, that if we had not entered into this with the King of Denmark, he might have been ed on to have concluded a Treaty with another

which might have been prejudicial to us, is, in my 1, very odd. Princes, 'tis true, Sir, do not always r real Interests, but if we resolve upon every Occa


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Anno 8. Gco, II. cafion to clear their Eyesight by a Pension, I am afraid none 1734-35.

of them will ever open their Eyes without receiving some such Remedy from us. We are never to suppose that any Prince of Europe will engage against the Liberties of Europe, or will perform any former Engagement, when the Performance comes to be apparently inconsistent with the Liberties of Europe, and consequently with his own Independency, unless he be very much blinded by some particular Interest of his own : And of all the Princes of Europe the King of Denmark is, in this Respect, the leaft liable to any Temptation ; there are several other Princes of Europe, who may be tempted to join with those who have Designs against the Liberties of Europe ; because they may be made from thence to expect some Addition to their own Dominions ; and these are the Princes upon whom we ought to have a watchful Eye ; these are the Princes, if any, upon whom we ought to bestow our Pensions, in order to keep them firm to the general Interest of Europe. If we had by any Subsidy engaged the Duke of Bavaria in an Alliance ; if we had by any Subsidy disengaged the King of Sardinia from his present Allies ; or if we had laid out a Sum of Money in engaging the Polanders to make such a Choice of a King, as would have prevented the breaking out of the War, (and perhaps a less Sum might have done than the Expence we have been at on account of the War) there might have been some Reason for our being at such an Expence ; but I can see no Advantage we can expect, from the Expence we are to be at, on account of this Treaty with Denmark.

• I shall readily agree with the honourable and learned Gentleman (Mr Willes] that Nations are entirely governed by their own Interest ; but as it is the Interest of Denmark, as much as it is the Interest of this Nation, to preserve the Balance of Power in Europe, therefore I must think it was quite unnecessary for us to give them a Fee for doing so : I fall indeed grant, that they were in the Right to take it, for, I believe, few will refuse to take a Fee for that, which is both their Duty and Interest to do without any Reward. As I have a great Opinion of the Honour and the Penetra. tion both of the King and the Ministers of Denmark, I must conclude they would never have entered into any Engage. ments, that were inconsistent with the Liberties of Europe ; I must conclude they will always be ready, without any Fee or Reward, to join with all their Force in the Prefervation of the Balance of Power, whenever it shall appear to be in any real Danger. Consequently it was altogether unnecessary for us to enter into any such Treaty as that now before us, or to promise any such Subsidy as is by that Treaty fipalated ; and therefore, as one of the Representatives


' Ms How

of the People, to whom they have entrusted the laying out Anno 8. Geo. In, their Money, in the most frugal Manner, I cannot agree to such an unnecessary Expence as what is now proposed.'

Upon this Sir Joseph Jekyll, and Mr Howe declar'd, Sir Jof. Jekyll. • That they approved of the Treaty as little as any Gentlemen did : That tho' they thought it was altogether unneceffary, to put the Nation to such an Expence 'till the Danger became more apparent, yet as it was the first Treaty his Majesty had concluded upon the present Emergency, they would

agree to the Motion ; because if that Houle should not agree with what his Majesty had done with respect to that Treaty, it might be, at such a Conjuncture, of the most dangerous Consequence to the Liberties of Europe, by encouraging the ambitious Views which some of the Parties engaged in War may now have, or hereafter form to themfelves, and by discouraging any of the Princes or States of Europe from entering into any Treaties with his Majesty, even cho' the Circumstances of Europe should then absolutely require such Treaties to be concluded.'

Then the Question being put for agreeing with the Motion, it was carried in the Affirmative, by 270 to 178.

Marcb 5. Sir John Barnard mov'd for bringing in a Bill, Sir J. Barnard for restraining the Number of Houses for playing of Inter- moves for a Bill for ludes, and for the better regulating Common Players of In- Number of Playa terludes. In Support of this Motion he represented the Mif- Hodles, chief done to the City of London by the Play-Houses, in corrupting the Youth, encouraging Vice and Debauchery, and being prejudicial to Trade and Industry ; and how much these Evils would be increas'd, if another Play-House should be built in the very Heart * of the City.' Sir John Barnard was seconded by Mr Sandys, and supported by Mr Pulte- M: Sandys.

, ney, Sir Robert Walpole, Sir Joseph Jekyll, Sir Thomas Sir R. Walpole. Saunderson, and several other Members ; Mr James Eres- Sir T. Saunderson. kine in particular reckon'd up the Number of Play-Houses Me J. Ereskine. then in London, viz. The Opera House, the French PlayHouse in the Hay-Market, and the Theatres in Covent-Gar- o Fe den, Drury-Lane, Lincoln’s-Inn-Fields, and Goodman'sFields; and added, “That it was no less surprizing than shameful, to see so great a Change for the worse in the Temper and Inclinations of the British Nation, who were now so extra-, vagantly addicted to lewd and idle Diversions, that the Num. ber of Play-Houses in London was double to that of Paris; That we now exceeded in Levity even the French themselves, from whom we learned these and many other ridiculous Cuftoms, as much unsuitable to the Mein and Manners of an Englishman or a Scot, as they were agreeable to the Air

and • T bere tuas at this Time a Projeft on foot for erecting a Play-House is S. Martins le Grand,

Debate thereon,

Anno 8. Ceo. II. and Levity of a Monsieur : That it was astonishing to all 1734-35

Europe, that Italian Eunuchs and Singers should have set Salaries, equal to those of the Lords of the Treasury and Judges of England. After this it was order'd, Nem. Con. That à Bill be brought in pursuant to Sir John Barnard's Motion ; which was done accordingly : But it was afterwards dropt, on Account of a Clause offer'd to be inserted in the said Bili, for enlarging the Power of the Lord Chamberlain, with Re

gard to the Licensing of Plays. Mr Bramson's Mo March 7. Mr Bramston moved, “That the Clause of an the Couifel from Act made in the second Year of his present Majesty's Reign, offering Evidence;, intitled, An Aa for the more effectual preventing Bribery of Election for any and Corruption in the Elections of Members to serve in Parthe tan Determina- liament, which relates to the last Determination in the tion of the House. House of Commons, concerning Votes for Members to serve

in Parliament for any County, City, Borough, Cinque-Port, or Place ; with the Clause relating to the Oath to be taken by returning Officers, should be read ; and the same having been read accordingly, Mr Bramston ftood up again, and spoke as follows :

Mr Speaker,

By the Clause of the A& now read to you, it appears, that the last Determination of the House of Commons, with regard to the Right of voting at any Election, is declared to be final to all Intents and Purposes whatsoever, any Usage to the contrary notwithstanding; fo that in all future Disputes about any Election for the same Place, the laft Determination of this House is the Rule, by which the Right of voting is to be determined, and againit which no Arguments, nor any Proof can be admitted : This I take to be now the Law of the Land, and consequently is binding as well upon this House, as upon every Gentleman who has been since that Act, or may hereafter be concerned in any Election.

At all Times, Sir, and particularly in such a dangerous Conjuncture as the present, it is incumbent upon us to eftablish among the People a good Opinion of the Impartiality, Integrity, and Justice of this House in all our Proceedings. With Respect to State Affairs, especially fuch as relate to Foreign Tranfa&tions, the Facts are not publickly known, nor can the Motives or Arguments for or against any Question relating to them be understood by the Vulgar ; and there. fore in such Questions it is not easy for the People in general to comprehend the Debates ; nor would it be poffible for them to discover the Injuftice or the Partiality of our Proceedings, were it possible for this House to be guilty of any fuch. But in all our Proceedings relating to Elections, the People in general, or at least those who live in the Neighbourhood of the place where any Dispute happens about an


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