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sir Joseph; which being complained of to us, and confessed by the said sir Joseph, we your majesty's most dutiful subjects, having the immediate consideration before us, of the imminent danger of your majesty's person, the safety whereof is above all things most dear, and likewise the dangers from Popish Plots, so nearly threatening the peace and safety of your majesty's government, and the Protestant Religion, were humbly of opinion, we could not discharge our duty to your majesty and the whole kingdom, without the committing the said sir Joseph; and therefore most humbly desire, That he may not be discharged by your majesty. And we do farther most humbly desire your majesty, to recal all Commissions granted to all Papists within the kingdom of England and Ireland, or any other of your majesty's dominions and territories."

Debate on the Lords Proviso in the Popery Bill, exempting the Duke of York.] Nov. 21. The lords sent down the Bill for disabling Papists to sit in either house of parliament, &c. with some Amendments, and a Proviso, exempting the duke of York from taking the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and the Declaration, &c.

Sir Rob. Markham. I am glad that the lords have sent us the Bill again, and am not sorry for the Proviso in it, exempting the duke, &c. If the duke's relation to the Crown be considered, there is a difference between him and other subjects, and I move you to pass the Proviso.

Sir John Ernly. This was a salva conscientia to myself. I make a difference betwixt this peer (the duke) and all the rest. The lords have made a great step in this bill, that they have exempted no other persons; and I cannot but say there is great reason why this person should not be comprehended in the common calamity with the rest. If the duke should be banished, or removed (he is out of the king's -councils already) from the king's person, in the circumstances he is in, whether would it be better, to be removed, or continue in the king's eye, to be observed? Foreign aid, we see, has been treating for with the French king by Coleman. If the Jesuitical party should despair, and fall upon any person, I know not the consequence. I fear not what can come to us, if the duke be amongst us. But I think in conscience, that if we banish the Papists, and have the duke under the king's eye, there will be no danger. There is but this one person exempted by the lords, &c. and no great danger of him but what is in your power to remedy.

Sir Winston Churchill. Upon this disadvantage, when I hear so loud a cry, To the Question,' I should not speak, but to discharge my conscience. Though I think not to prevail, when I heard so loud a cry against what I am moving. The lords are so near the government, that they see more than we. They have not so slight stakes as to oversee their game. I think that the monarchy of England

is concerned in this. Consider the consequence, if you reject this Proviso. How far will you force so great a prince to declare? You will give your adversaries great advantage. Suppose the duke takes not the Oaths. All that do not take them, &c. will you make them Papists? There were some at your bar that were Quakers, who would not take them; will you drive all that herd of swine into the sea of Rome at once? If those that sit in parliament must take them, those out of parliament must too. [Aud so he sat down abruptly.]

Sir Ch. Wheeler. I agree to the Proviso. If the duke be in a capacity to sit in the lords house, then the debate you have adjourned, about removing the duke from the king's presence and councils, you cannot proceed in. If the duke remains in the lords house, he cannot singly and solely, on his own vote, stop any bill there, and this very bill has passed that you favoured so much.

Mr. Sec. Coventry. You have the greatest matter before you that ever was in this house. The danger of disturbance of Religion, is one of the most pernicious apprehensions imaginable. If this prince should go into another place, it must cost you a Standing Army to bring him home again. These things to be done upon the heir of the crown were never before. It was in the power of queen Mary to see queen Elizabeth, and of Edward with to see queen Mary. Suppose the king on his death-bed; must he not see the duke, to give any order about the affairs of the kingdom? It is a hardship not to be offered to a condemned person. You are losing this bill, by casting out the lords' Proviso. And these Popish peers sit in the lords' house. You lose that thing too, and it cannot be remedied, and the lords will carry any other provision you shall make against Popery. Deny it to be in the king's power to see his brother, and he him, and the consequence will be fatal.

Sir Edm. Jennings. You have not yet made any steps towards the safety of the kingdom. The head-ach coming from an ill stomach, to cut off the hair and apply oils to the head will do no good, when the way is to cleanse the stomach. It is not removing Popish lords out of the house, nor banishing Priests and Jesuits, nor removing the duke from the king; but it must be removing Papists from the nation.

Sir Allen Apsley. When the house is all of a mind, as to the duke's valour and exposing himself for the honour of the nation, we can not, without ingratitude, throw out this Provisa

Sir John Hanmer. If you throw out this Proviso, you endanger the nation. You know what you have done in rejecting the duke's servants. You had better impeach the duke than throw out this Proviso, and take him from his brother. Keep him here, and you may breathe the wholsome doctrines of the Church of England into him.

Sir Jonathan Trelawney. The consequences may be so fatal, if you throw out this Proviso, that I am for agreeing with the lords in it. The

scope of the bill is not only to suppress persons that may propagate the growth of Popery, but to break their future hopes. This before you is of the greatest moment and concernment, that ever came before a house of parliament. I speak sincerely; by throwing out this Proviso, give you not the greatest advantage to the Papists to drive the duke into Popish hands? Should that day come, of the king's death, what | disobligation do you put upon the duke! For God's sake accept the Proviso.

say not that the duke is a Papist; I know nothing of that; but if he be a Papist, I had rather he sat alone in the lords house, than with all the Popish lords. Next consider, whether it is not better in prudence, for the good of the kingdom, that the duke sit in the house of York [He meant the House of Lords.' I had rather have him amongst Protestants than Papists, in the heap of Papists. It is better in prudence to endeavour to keep him amongst us, than to thrust him amongst others: the duke is a person to be led and not driven, to be won and not to be frighted, to be persuaded and not compelled.

Sir Tho. Higgins. Let gentlemen, who are so earnest against this Proviso consider, should the duke think himself disobliged, and go beyond the sea, and the French king support him with 100,000 men; could a greater blow be given to the Protestant Religion?

Those against the Proviso sat silent. Earl of Ancrum. This debate looks as if it was not upon good ground and reason, but a resolved business. Nobody opens his mouth to answer any thing that is said, but only to call for the Question. If so, put it to the common fate of Aye and. No. I think this is a subject for another man's brains and tongue better than mine. But pray consider; the duke is the king's only brother, the son of that Sir Rd. Temple. Would you break all the martyr who died for his religion. The duke is wheels of this design, is it not better to keep said to be but a subject; but he is another the duke here alone with us? That is the way kind of subject than lord Carrington (lately to make him ours: Wherever the duke goes, secured about the Plot) It is said, the duke his title to the crown goes along with him. The is not heir apparent;' but I am sure he is ap-matter of Popery will go on, the duke absent, parent heir. Generations to come will curse better than when the king sees all things. If this day's work; therefore pray consider of it. you will take off all the wheels of this perniSir Wm. Killegrew. I dread taking the duke cious design, make the duke yours, and keep from the king-(and weeps.) him with you.

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Sir John Birkenhead. In Henry vi.th's time, when all the peers were sworn to the Great Charter, and not to take up the difference between the duke of Norfolk and the earl of Warwick, the make-king, propter celsitudinem et excellentiam Domini principis,' he was not obliged to take the oath-to make a law that the king shall not go to his brother, I understand not; it is the same thing as that his brother shall not come to him. Do you think the king will give his consent to this bill, to restrain himself thus? Cannot the king go to see Mr. Coleman, if he will? And not go see his brother! You here will make a law, that the duke shall be removed from the king's presence. Whither shall he go? Into the country? Or will you force him beyond sea? If he was a pusillanimous prinec, of weak capacity; but he is one of the most magnanimous princes in the world. He renounced the French interest, that used his brother ill in his exile: drive him into French hands! I speak in the presence of God, I think, if you pass this Proviso it will be the greatest means to get him to our religion. For God's sake pass this Proviso.

Sir Edw. Dering. The dignity of the persons makes the greatness of the thing. If we disagree with the lords in this Proviso, and leave it out, and the king give not his consent to the bill, your bill must fall, or runs a great hazard. I would agree, &c. and when that is done, move the king to give an immediate consent to the bill. You have then but one Popish peer in the lords house, (if the duke be one.) You may have great advantage in other bills of Popery, by getting this.

Mr. Waller. I am much perplexed in this business. The debate of removing the duke, has been adjourned several days, and always put off, but now blown in by a side-wind. Still the debate has been put off; that was some sign you would lay it aside. I am sorry for the Proviso, I wish we had had the bill without it. But you expound that which I never understood, that the duke, by it, should be removed from the presence of his brother. From my experience abroad, and what I have read at home, I have ever observed, that princes of the duke's magnitude are like fire out of the chimney, and put in the middle of a room; it makes a great blaze, but sets all on fire. Edw. iv. did not agree with his cousin the duke of Hereford. The princes of the blood in France are generally of a different opinion with the ministers of state: they went away, but the king did all he could to get them to court * "The earl of Warwick had the honour of again. When the Civil Wars were in France, restoring Henry vi. to the throne, after having Hen. iii. sent for the king of Navarre to marry deposed him, and of pulling down Edw. iv. his sister to be a help to him. David himself who had been raised entirely by his means; was a holy and a good man, but Absalom wherefore he was commonly called The king-would not stay at court. David was afraid of maker.'" Rapin. his life, for his servants ran away from him to VOL. IV. 3 X

Sir George Downing. I am one of those that will agree to this Proviso, and I will give you my reason for it, for my own justification. I had rather have half a loaf than no bread. I

Absalom, as Jonathan told him. Foreign princes will make use of the discontentsmultis utile bellum.' This removal of the duke is of vast consequence. Gentlemen are in earnest against Popery. If I thought this Proviso was not, I would be against it. There are laws against Papists. This will make them shuffle again, and the Papists can have no hope but by disorder or despair. By union in one vote, when we were at Peace amongst ourselves, we gave Spain a kingdom, viz. Sicily. What can we not do if we have glory at home, and peace abroad? I would lay aside this Proviso, as the most dangerous thing in the world.

Sir Tho. Meres. On one side, the reason against the Proviso is, prudence and safety. On the other, civility, gratitude, and compliment. I would be on the civil side, were not the safety of the nation concerned. No doubt but sir E. Godfrey was civil to go to Somerset House, &c. and he was civil to Mr. Coleman to compare notes with bim: but he lost his life by it. I think that the bill, as we sent it up to the lords, names not the duke; and I would avoid naming him in the proviso. The lords hame him. I am afraid to name him so, as if possibly he may be a rebel, as if possibly a Papist. This Bill names him not. I had rather this bill had never been brought into the house, than that this Proviso should name the duke. I name him not so, but if the Proviso will name him so, it is a beginning of Toleration. I am against the Proviso for the duke's

sake.

Sir Philip Warwick. At the beginning of the Long Parliament, no moderation could be had between the king's prerogative and the subjects liberty. Nothing was more unjust, nothing more unfortunate. I would rather consider that a Popish successor may not be, but a Protestant of our religion.

terest, then it is time to offer our services to him. It is in his hands to save this whole nation, but I will never allow an argument, as this Proviso implies, that a peer shall do any thing against his country. When he is naked and alone, I will serve him, and he may serve himself.

Sir Wm. Coventry. A gentleman on the other side of the house has said one word that has awakened me. In pont of gratitude, I need not tell you my obligations to the duke." I will not deny a great deal of what has to-day been started. The danger of the Proviso is only reasons from the presumption of the goodness of this Prince's disposition. I shall say but one word, though, I apprehend, not any thing I can say can prevail in this matter. Consider whether this prince has not been useful to you. Whether he has not made a greater step to the Protestant Religion, by marrying his daughter to the prince of Orange, which had his concurrence. From that instance, he is so far from danger, that he has been a help to us: this is the reason why I am for the Proviso.

Several cried out, "Coleman's Letters, Coleman's Letters."

Sir Rob. Howard. Capel's father would have fought for the crown, whatever devil had raised the storm against it. This Proviso is a single disposing of a person for the security of the nation. Excluding the duke from the presence of the king, is it meant eternally? (It is granted he may stay 30 days, &c. by warrant from the privy council.) What will hold of all you have done, if the crown come to him? What will become of you, if an exasperated prince come to govern, though not of so great a spirit as the duke? I, in my extrémity, would scorn to do an act so low, that I would not have disdained to do in my prosperity. The Sir Henry Capel. It is said by Warwick, proposition of doing good by this, &c. is to do no moderation could be had in the Long nothing, for it is but the shape of a thing, and Parliament,' but it was neither imprisonment not the thing itself. He is not a man in or of the members, though that broke into laws dinary condition of other peers. He is sepa and liberties, it was not the violation of pro-rate from other subjects, and by a title. The perty by illegal taxes, but it was the unhappy hand of Popery which brought that disorder in, and possibly shed the blood I came of (his father, lord Capel.) Since the king's Restoration, Popery has played in court, in our negotiations of war and peace, of setting up ministers and taking them down; and God knows where it will end. I have a representation as other men have; wife and children, and all is at stake. Will not this startle a great man? I hope it will. Were it not for hope, the heart would break. I hope yet that this great prince will come into our Church. But will you, by admitting this Proviso, have all our tongues tied, and by law declare the duke a Papist? Shall this be done by a law? If it must come from us, this is not the time. If once I can separate the duke's interest from his person, I would serve him. Press down that Popish interest more and more by law, and when the duke is naked, and clear from Popish in

duke sees no Catholic lords come to the house of peers more. He sees he is separated from then by this Proviso; and will a man in his condition, preserved by a parliament, pat himself upon mischief? Will that be his gratitude, think you? We all respect his person, and may hope, that, when he sees his own temper so different from us, he will embrace that here which he will never find in the popish religion. He is safe, when others are rejected, he is preserved, and may return more useful to the king and us.

Lord Cavendish. I cannot agree to the duke's being declared a Papist by act of par liament, till I hear the lords Reasons for the Proviso. If we agree to the Proviso, we can not hear the lords Reasons. Possibly I may be convinced by the lords, but I am not by any thing I have heard yet.

* He had been his Secretary.

The Proviso was agreed to, 158 to 156 *. Resolved, "That Reasons be drawn up to be offered at a conference for not agreeing with the lords in their 2nd and 3rd Amendments, &c." relating to the Servants of the Queen and Dutchess of York.

Debate on sir J. Trelawney's calling Mr. Ash a Rascal.] A breach of the peace happening in the house, between sir Jonathan Trelawney and Mr. Ash:

The Speaker said, I know not who was the author, or occasion, of this disturbance, but be my relation ever so near to them,† I must tell you who they are that have given blows in the house: they are sir Jonathan Trelawney and Mr. Wm. Ash.

Mr. Williams. I saw something that passed betwixt these two gentlemen. I am sorry I saw what I did see. There was such a case once in Westminster-Hall, and it puzzled the Judges. I am sorry for this case, now we are securing the nation by the Militia, that the peace should be broken amongst ourselves. What has passed looks like an unhappy omen. Sir Jonathan Trelawney. I rise up the earlier to speak, because I wish this had been in another place; but perhaps in a more sacred place than this, if any man should call me rascal,' I should call him rebel,' and give him a box on the ear. The cause of the quarrel that happened was this. Col. Birch was saying, lose this question (about the Proviso) and he would move for a general toleration.' 'No,' said I, I never was for that.' And Ash said, I am not for Popery.' Said I, Nor I for Presbytery.' I came to Ash, and told him 'he must explain his words.' Said Ash, I am no more a Presbyterian than you are a Papist. Upon which I said, Ash was a rascal,' and I struck him, and should have done it any where; but I am sensible it was in heat, and I humbly ask the pardon of the house for it.

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Sir Wm. Harbord. He has behaved himself like a man of honour. I must say this, I saw Trelawney strike a stroke.

Sir Wm. Portman. Here has been a just account given of the thing. pray God there be no ill consequence of it.

Mr Sacheverell. I have a great respect for

"The duke spoke on this proviso in the house of lords with great earnestness, and with tears in his eyes. He said he was now to cast himself on their favour in the greatest concern he could have in this world.' He spoke much of his duty to the king, and of his zeal for the nation; and solemnly protested, that, whatever his religion might be, it should only be a private thing between God and his own soul; and that no effect of it should ever appear in the government.'

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The Proviso was carried for him by a few voices. And, contrary to all mens expectations, it passed in the house of commons." Burnet.

+ Mr. Ash and the Speaker married two sisters, and sir Jonathan Trelawney married the Speaker's aunt.

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the two gentlemen, but more for the preservation of the peace of your councils. If you put up this, and make not an example, you do not justice to yourselves.

Lord Cavendish. I allow both the gentlemen to be in the fault extremely. There can be no excuse made for ill language, nor blows, here, but you must make distinction. You ought, in your censure, to go first on the aggressor, who has done so great a fault contrary to the peace at this time. You can do no less than send him to the Tower, and expell him the house.

Mr. Williams, By the Orders of the house, if you debate the censure they ought to withdraw.

The Speaker. If you go on in the debate, they must withdraw.

Mr. Ash. You have a relation from the gentleman, which is, in a great measure, true. I hope you will allow that the provocation was great. I do acknowlege I have done a great fault, and I humbly ask the pardon of the house.

Mr. Sec. Coventry. There can be no debate who shall be punished, or who not, till they are both withdrawn.

Sir Tho. Meres. Who provoked, or who followed the provocation must be an after debate. But neither of them ought to sit; it will be voting in one another's case.

Sir Tho. Lee, upon the Speaker's motion, That both of them should be in custody of the serjeant,' said, You must commit them before judgment be passed upon them, and then they ought to come upon their knees to the bar, before they be discharged.

Sir Tho. Littleton. It is not an equal way of proceeding. The Speaker says, only, in safe custody.' It may be others think they do not deserve commitment at all, or one to be committed to the serjeant, the other to the Tower.

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The Speaker. There is nothing more equal than to put them both in the same condition, and to order it upon your Books, that it is for security, till the house consider how to proceed.' Ordered, That sir Jonathan Trelawney and Mr. Ash be secured by the serjeant at arms, for having committed a breach of the peace in the house, until the matter be examined and determined by the house."

Lord Cavendish. I move, that Trelawney, as being the aggressor in this breach of the peace, may be expelled the house.

Mr. Booth. Trelawney came to Ash and reflected upon his family for being Presbyterians and rebels. You can do no less than send him to the Tower, and expell him the house.

Mr. Bennet. When I consider the noise without doors, and how your members are reflected on for what they do here: and that when I had the ill luck to displease the court, they said, there goes such a rogue, he is for a commonwealth?" and when families are reflected upon, notwithstanding an act of indem

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Sir Ch. Wheeler. He that strikes again, makes himselt his own judge. Both have broken your order. [He was mistaken, and out, and so sat down.]

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Sir Rob. Dillington. It was my chance to be by, when the difference happened between these two gentlemen. Col. Birch said, he was an old soldier, and was for making a safe retreat, and the best way now was for a bill of Toleration.' Trelawney said, I am not for tolerating presbytery.' Nor I,' says Ash, for popery. And this was all the provocation that Ash gave to Trelawney.

Sir Tho. Meres. Trelawney names' presbytery' first, and strikes first; pray determine that, and then come to the rest.

Earl of Ancram. Where the honour of the house is concerned, I will speak my mind freely. I will not come to the provocation, but the action. It is one way to do an act out of the house, and another in. A blow struck in the house of commons is a blow struck at all the commons of England; all are struck, and

it may go farther. Private persons must not wound all the commons of England. I leave it to you.

Mr. Williams. I hope you will not make your own court less than Westminster-Hall. I would punish Trelawney by expelling him

the house.

Sir John Ernly. I move that Trelawney may be sent to the Tower, and then that you will consider what to do with Ash.-I would not consider the provocation on one side or the other. We saw the blows, but heard not the words. Both struck, and pray send them both to the Tower.

Mr. Sec. Coventry. If you expel Trelawney, you take away the freehold of them that sent him hither. The law considers mediunis, when things are done with intention and in cold blood. I would know, what a gentleman should do, in such a case as this. But the fact is done; put therefore such a question, as you have examples and precedents of. Send them both to the Tower.

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would be nearest in my service to him. But pray regard your own honour, regard yourselves. Sir Tho. Meres. What you have moved is most worthy, and I am for it.

Resolved, "That sir Jonathan Trelawney be sent to the Tower, there to remain during this session of parliament."

Mr. Ash reprimanded.] Mr. Williams. Where the law acquits him, I suppose you will not condemn him, here. It being true that Trelawney said the words, you have punished Mr. Ash by commitment to the ser jeant. It is true, a man may strike in his own defence; it is lawful. It is plain, the first provocation was from Trelawney. What hap pened from Ash is justifiable in law.

Serj. Gregory. I hope you will not punish a man that has committed no fault. If the second blow appears to be in Ash's own defence, the law, upon an action brought, makes him not guilty. He had worse words than rascal' given him, before he gave any. Ash being guilty of no crime, I hope you will inflict no punishment.

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Sir John Birkenhead. I wonder that a man should take the sword out of the magistrate's hand, and that should be no crime, and the long robe should say it is no offence.' The blow was given in the king's house, and, by the Saxon law, it was death, and, by a cortinuando, 23 Hen. viii. drawing of blood. Let Ash be punished by you, lest he have greater punishment.

Serj. Gregory. The affront was not given to the walls of the house, but to the Speaker, sitting in the chair of the house.

Sir John Birkenhead. By the 28th Hen. viii. if a man strikes in an integral part of the king's palace, he might as well strike in the king's bed-chamber.

Earl of Ancram, I have known that misfortune of words, amongst brave men. Words may make reparation for words: but blows are for a dog, and not a quarrel to be taken up. Here has been a blow given in the house of commons. A man that sits here should have his understanding so far about him, that a word should not bring him so in passion, as it would do in another place. Truly I think Mr. Ash pardonable in this case; and I would have hi reprimanded only in his place.

Which being ordered, Mr. Ash was called in. The Speaker. Mr. Ash, the house has considered the disorder you committed, and the provocation that was given you. They have a tenderness for every gentleman that is a menber; therefore they have thought fit to procecd tenderly with you, only. When you make the house judge, &c. you make yourseli no way justifiable, but by extraordinary provocation and passion. And you are to proceed no farther in this quarrel with sir J. Trelawney, and the house requires you to declare it.

Mr. Ash. I acknowledge that I have committed a great fault, but there was a great provocation to it. And I shall humbly acquiesce

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