the popish party. And if'by chance any is put in, not fettered either by opinion or interest to that party, upon the first appearance he is presently discharged, as if he were a traitor to his country. And now, after a long interval of parliaments, and more and more discoveries of the reality and danger of the Popish Plot, what remedies are we like to obtain this session? I am afraid very few or none; for I must confess, I am still of opinion, there can be none without the Exclusion-Bill, which the lords have thrown out without so much as a conference; and therefore I am afraid that what the witnesses have said they were told by several Jesuits, is true; That Popery was so clenched and riveted, that it did not lie in the power of God, nor man, to prevent the settling of it in this nation. And if we consider what an interest that party hath now at present, and how things are prepared to afford them a greater assistance hereafter; how a popish king, as well as our divisions and animosities, will contribute to it, though I hope, God will make them liars; yet I conclude, they have a great deal of reason to be very confident. And I see not how we can help ourselves, seeing there are so many ministers of state about the king, who are as a partition-wall between him and his people. I find in Coke's Reports, that when the nation was in apparent danger, the people might go directly to the king with their Grievances, and make their Complaints and Petitions known. I think we may do well to consult this text, and see if we can find out any better way than what we have tried already, to convey our bumble Supplications to his royal person. In the mean time, I think you had not best to go off from the Bill of Association.

only persons thought fit to be in places of trust! It is so strange a way to preserve the Protestant Church and Religion, that it raiseth with me a doubt, Whether any such thing he designed. Such persons may be proper to manage affairs in favour of the Popish interest; but it is to be admired, that they, and they only, should be thought fit to be intrusted with the Protestant interest. I think it as hard for them to do it, as to serve two masters. It is not usual in other countries, to retain their enemies in the government, nor such as are friends to their eucmies; and it is strange that we, of all other nations, should fall into this piece of policy. But, sir, for these reasons you may conclude, that, unless what laws you make be strong and well-penned, they will signify nothing against so powerful a party as you have to do with.

Sir Wm. Jones. Sir; seeing there is a negative passed upon the Bill we had contrived to secure us from these great dangers, I think we may do well to try if we can get any thing else. But I am persuaded if this AssociationBill be made as it should be, that we shall have no better success with it than we had with the Exclusion-Bill: for I am afraid, that though we are permitted to brandish our weapons, yet that we shall not be allowed to wound Popery; but rather do believe, that they who advised the throwing out of that Bill, will also do the same by this, or dissolve the house before it come to perfection: for this Bill must be much stronger than that in queen Eliz.'s days; that was for an Association only after her death, but I cannot tell if such a bill will secure us now, the circumstances we are under being very different. In queen Eliz.'s days, the privy counsellors were all for the queen's interest, and none for the successor's; now, most of the privy-counsellors are for the successor's, and few for the king's. Then the ministers unanimously agreed to keep out Popery, now we have too much reason to fear, there are many that are for bringing it in. In those days they all agreed to keep the Popish Successor in Scotland, now the major part agreed to keep the Successor here; all which must be considered in drawing up of the Bill.

Mr. Leveson Gower. Sir, I would not discourage you from going on with these Bills; but I am afraid they will fall far short of the power and strength that will be necessary to root out an Interest that hath been above 100 years riveting itself by all arts and ways imaginable, and hath now fixt itself so near the throne. I must confess, I am afraid we are at labour in vain, and that this interest hath so clenched itself, (as the Jesuits term it) that it will break not only this parliament, but many more, if not all parliaments, and the Protestant Religion too. It is too weighty to be removed, or perverted, by such little Bills as these: no, sir, you will find, that nothing less than a firm union amongst all the Protestants in this nation can be sufficient to give any check to this interest. As long as there are amongst us so many persons, as know not rightly how to apply the dangers of the Church and State, nor the miseries of 1611, but will Proceedings on Mr. Seymour's Impeachment.] be led by Popish projectors, I am afraid such Dec. 17. The commons ordered, "That Mr. Bills as these will not do our business: be- Seymour be taken into the custody of the sercause they will not destroy that footing which jeant at arms, for securing his forth-coming to they have at court, nor strengthen the Protes-answer the Impeachment of this house against tant Interest, which must have its original from union. It is strange that none but those who are for the duke's interest should be the VOL. IV.

An Association Bill voted.] Resolved, “That it is the opinion of this Committee, that the house be moved, that a Bill be brought in for an Association of all his majesty's Protestant subjects, for the safety of his majesty's person, the defence of the Protestant Religion, and the preservation of his majesty's Protestant subjects, against all invasions and oppositions: and for preventing the duke of York, or any other Papist, from succeeding to the crown.'

him, until he shall have given security to this house, to answer to the said Impeachment; and that the serjeant at arms be empowered

4 L

to receive security for the forth-coming of the 'said Mr. Seymour."

Votes to secure the Kingdom against Popery, &c.] The same day, the house resolved into a 'committee, farther to consider of ways and means to secure the kingdom against Popery and arbitrary Government; and after several debates, how ineffectual all laws would prove, without good Judges, Justices, and others in commission, that will execute them; and how frequent parliaments would conduce to have daws put duly in execution; 1. Resolved; "That it is the opinion of this house, that the house be moved, that a Bill be brought in, for the more effectual securing of the Meetings and Sittings of frequent Parliaments. 2. That this house do agree with the committee, that a Bill be brought in that the Judges hereafter to be made and appointed, may hold their Places and Salaries quamdiu se bene gesserint: and also to prevent the arbitrary proceedings of Judges. 3. That this house do agree with the committee, that a Bill be brought in, against illegal Exaction of Money upon the people, to make it High-Treason.”

Debate on the King's Speech.] Dec. 18. His -majesty's Speech, made to both houses on the 15th, was read.

much blood spent therein, will, besides their principles and inclinations, lay on them great obligations, to make use of the opportunity to establish their religion again in this nation. So that I must confess, these reservations look to be like a perfect design to save the whole party, accompanied with a power and a pretence sufficient to enable them to accomplish their end. For to this the saving of the duke's right doth amount, and consequently the destruction of the Protestant Religion: which cannot be imagined to proceed from his majesty. In former times, the interest of no one man could ever bear up against the interest of the nation; now it seems, that the Religion, lives and liberties of all the people of this nation, nay, I may say, all the Protestants of the three nations, must be all lost, rather than one man be dispossest of his right; though by his act he hath made himself incapable to enjoy it. Certainly there must be more intended by this than the saving of one man; it must be the saving of a party: and therefore, sir, I am afraid we are but where we were two years ago: for it is plain to me, that there is a certain fatal scheme, which hath been exactly pursued these 20 years, in order to destroy the Protestant Interest, and hath had a strange Mr. John Hampden. Sir; the veneration secret operation in the management of all oar that is due to all his majesty's Speeches doth affairs; and although now and then some acrequire, that we should seriously debate them cidents have happened, that have occasioned before we give any answer to them; but the some alteration for a time, as by his majesty's circumstances we are under at this time chal- recalling the Toleration, some transactions of lenge a more than ordinary consultation: for, parliaments, the breaking out of the Plot, and by the tenor of the Speech, I conclude, that his majesty's Toleration of his Council in the success of this parliament depends upon 1679; yet I observe, that after a little while our Answer to it; and consequently, the safety there is no change in the main; all returns to the of the Protestant Religion, both at home and old scheme, as if there were a certain infallible abroad. And therefore I think myself very balance that did preponderate. We have had so unable to advise in this matter, and should much experience of his majesty's goodness and not have attempted it, but that you have en- inclinations, that we cannot but conclude that couraged me by your leave to speak first. So there is still some such thing, as a wheel within a that if I offer any thing amiss, those that come wheel; whether Jesuits, (for it is like them) or after will have opportunities to correct me. I who, I cannot tell, nor how the government is would begin with the latter end of the Speech influenced, that the protestants should not be 'first; because that part of it is most likely to able to obtain any thing for their security. beget a fair understanding between his maj. and But we may guess and justly fear, that it wai this house. But I cannot but observe, what never be otherwise, as long as there is a Pogreat care is here again taken to preserve the pish Successor. The truth is, we have a hard Succession in the right line, as in all other his task to serve our king and country in such a majesty's Speeches ever since the Plot broke time as this is. We may expose ourselves to out. I think more could not be done, though the rage of a powerful party; but, I am afraid, it were in behalf of the king's son, and a Pro- get little to secure ourselves against their retestant too. That limitation, and his majes- venge. We are under the same inequality as ty's offer of securing the Protestant Religion, fair gamesters that meet with those that use (if by Succession in the right line be meant false dice; and are like to have the same i the duke) upon many debates in this house is luck at last, unless his maj. should be pleased found irreconcilable; and therefore must be to consider, who stands up most for his govern imputed to those that have advised his maj. ment, and who plays fairest; and accordingly, thereto. To preserve the right Succession in change his councils.-It is not to be doubted the duke, is to preserve something or nothing. but that, as well for the security of the nation The something must be no less than the crown, at home, as of Flanders against the power of in case of his majesty's death; and so conse- France, and the Protestant Religion abroad, quently the interest of the Popish party, who, we are under a necessity to make Alliances; after 100 years endeavours to have a prince of and that they cannot be made nor supported their own religion, the indefatigable industry without money. But did we not give above? of the Jesuits to obtain it, and the loss of so millions for the preservation of the Triple

good Protestant bottom, as long as there is a Popish Successor, which cannot be prevented but by the Succession Bill: that there may be no il construction made of our desires, I would humbly move you to offer to supply the king with what Money he may need for the support of Tangier and Alliances, upon his granting of the Succession Bill only, that so his maj. may have no reason to be diffident of us; not doubting, but that if we can. once lay a foundation for a good correspondence, that his maj. will take so much content in it, be yond what he doth now enjoy, that to preserve it he will afterwards grant us what more Bills may be farther necessary for the security of the Protestant Religion. And therefore I ain not for clogging this Address with any request for any thing more, than that one Bill.

League? And were not the said 2 millions by the power of the French and Popish party employed to break it? Did we not a little while since give about a million and an half for an actual French war? And was there not presently a general peace made? Do not all foreign nations complain, that, notwithstanding all our treaties, pretences, and declarations, we have been only true to France? And what reason have we now to imagine, that if we should give Money for Leagues, that it would be employed otherwise than formerly? Is not the same scheme of government pursued still? Is not the French ambassador, and the French woman too, as great at court as ever? And have not the duke's creatures the management of all affairs? And if the duke's interest, the French interest, and the Popish interest, be all one, can you imagine, that your Money Sir Wm. Jones. Sir, we have hitherto had shall be employed to make any Alliances, that so little success in our endeavours, that we shall be for the advantage of the Protestant may justly suspect, we are permitted to sit Religion? No, sir, though his maj. so intend it, here, rather to destroy ourselves than to save yet the wheel within a wheel, which hath our country. It is a matter of admiration to managed all other Alliances hitherto, will also me, that those who have so often advised his manage these, and have the disposal of our majesty, to put this, and the former parlia Money too, and pervert it to our destruction. ments, upon finding out expedients for securAnd, until things settle here at home on a true ing the Protestant Religion, without altering Protestant bottom, it cannot be imagined, that the Succession, should all this white find out any foreign prince will depend on us, or make none themselves; but still continue advising alliances with us. And therefore as well for the king to put that upon us, which, after ma that, as because our Money may not probably ny debates, is found to be impossible. And be disposed of for any good end, it is in vain that the king should always have at his elbow to treat of either Alliances or money. For, persons ready to remember him constantly to until the interest be changed at court, that so make this limitation, which, in all appearance, there may be a better understanding between must tend to the final destruction of the Prothe king and his people, it cannot produce any testant Religion: and that there should be thing for our advantage.-I beg leave to add no body there to mind him of proposing some something about the latter part of the Speech, expedients to prevent it, only in general words, which doth a little comfort me, because I hope of which no use can be made. According to we may graft such an Answer thereupon, as the opinion of three successive parliaments, may beget a right understanding with his ma- the limitation in favour of the Popish interest jesty. I know this house is constituted of per- is plain, intelligible, and practicable. I hope sons different from that of the Long Parlia- his majesty, against the next occasion, will rement, because of the many Pensioners that quire them that have so advised him, to make were in it; and that we need not now be the expedients and other ways to secure the afraid to talk of Money. I believe we all Protestant Religion, as plain and practicable, know, that without giving Money this session, that so we may see if the security of the Prothe nation can never be happy, nor his matestant Religion be designed in good earnest jesty's government so formidable as it ought to by such advisers, which I cannot believe; bebe. And therefore I would humbly move you cause what they propose is, in my opinion, a to appoint a committee, to draw up an Address contradiction in itself. Without the Exclusion to assure his majesty, that when his maj. shall Bill, there can be no expedient but what will be pleased to grant us such laws, as are neces- leave us in that miserable condition, of having, sary for the security of our Religion, which first or last, a contest with our lawful king. may be particularized in the address, that we And there can be no such thing as setting up will be ready to give him what Money his oc- a power to oppose him, but by putting a kind casions may require, not only for the support of supreme authority in the parliament; with a of Tangier, and Alliances, but to enable him power to oppose, as well by making war as to have a good Fleet at sea, for the encourag-laws, which might prove the destruction of the ing of Seamen, and security of Trade, and pre- monarchial governinent. The said trust or servation of his dominions; that so we may power (without the Exclusion-Bill) being not shew we are ready to express our duty, as well to be reposed in the next heir, or any single by our acts as words. person, lest he should die before he come to have the power in him, or utterly refuse to act, if he should live to have a right, by virtue of such a settlement, to administer the government. In such a case, there would be no

Lord Russel. Sir, seeing it is so apparent that all our fears of Popery arise from, and center in the duke: and that is impossible the affairs of this nation should ever settle on a

lawful power lodged any where else, to oppose and your people, we know not) to annex a resuch a king, and there must not be an Inter-servation, which, if insisted on in the instance regnum. By this short account you may see, to which alone it is applicable, will render all what difficulties all expedients will be liable to; your majesty's other gracious inclinations of no and may conclude, that those that advise the effect or advantage to us. Your majesty is king to make this limitation, do intend it as pleased thus to limit your promise of concur an expedient to make the endeavours of par-rence, in the Remedies which shall be proliaments ineffectual, and to bring in Popery. posed, that they may consist with preserving And if you had offered at such expedients as I the Succession of the Crown in its due and have mentioned, as the last house of commons legal course of descent. And we do buisbly was arraigned for omnipotent and arbitrary, inform your maj. that no interruption of that so would this with some worse character; as descent has been endeavoured at by us, except having attempted to destroy the monarchial only the descent upon the person of the duke government, that if possible the king and peo- of York, who, by the wicked instruments of ple might be put out of love with parliaments. the Church of Rome, has been manifestly perBut, sir, though it is plain, that things are thus verted to their Religion. And we do humbly out of order, yet let us not be wanting in our represent to your majesty, as the issue of our duty, but give such an Answer to his majesty, most deliberate thoughts and consultations, as may, if possible, create in him a good opi- that for the Papists to have their hopes conti nion of this house, and satisfy him of the ne-nued, that a prince of that religion should successity of the Bill of Exclusion; and that all other acts of grace will but serve to fatten us for the slaughter of our enemies.

Mr. Garroway. If you do not represent all your Grievances in this Address, as the condition of your giving Money, whatever you shall offer at afterwards will be looked upon as clamourous, and out of order. And therefore I would advise you, not to omit any one Grievance you expect any remedy in. And I am for enumerating all your Grievances, in the Address, which have been lately debated. And I do admire nobody takes notice of the Standing Army; which if not reduced to such a number as may be convenient for guards, and so limited, that they may not be increased, unless in case of a rebellion, or an invasion, all your laws may signify nothing. And I am not satisfied in the making such general offers of Money. For if you do, you will hear in time, that the Fleet needs one million; Alliances, as much more; and Tangier (though I think not worth keeping) little less.

ceed in the throne of these kingdoms, is utterly inconsistent with the safety of your majesty's person, the preservation of the Protestant Religion, and the prosperity, peace and welfare of your Protestant subjects.-That your majesty's sacred Life is in continual danger, under the prospect of a Popish Successor, is evident, not only from the principles of those devoted to the Church of Rome, which allow, that an heretical prince (and such they term all Protestant princes) excommunicated and deposed by the Pope, may be destroyed and murdered; but also from the testimonies given in the prosecution of the horrid Popish Plot, against di vers traitors, attainted for designing to put those accursed principles into practice against your majesty. From the expectation of this Succession, has the number of Papists in your majesty's dominions so much encreased within these few years, and so many been prevailed with to desert the true Protestant Religion, that they might be prepared for the favours of a Popish prince, as soon as he should come to the possession of the crown; and while the same expectation lasts, many more will be in the same danger of being perverted. This it is that has hardened the Papists of this kingdom, animated and confederated by their priests and Jesuits, to make a common purse, provide arms, make application to foreign princes, and solicit their aid, for imposing Popery upon us; "We your majesty's most dutiful and loyal and all this, even during your majesty's reign, subjects, the commons in this present parlia- and while your majesty's government and the ment assembled, having taken into our serious laws were our protection. It is your majesty's consideration your majesty's gracious Speech to glory and true interest, to be the head and both houses, on the 15th of this instant Dec. protector of all Protestants, as well abroad as do, with all the grateful sense of faithful sub-at home: but if these hopes remain, what Aljects and sincere Protestants, acknowledge your majesty's great goodness to us, in renewing the assurances you have been pleased to give us, of your readiness to concur with us in any means for the Security of the Protestant Religion, and your gracious invitation of us, to make our desires known to your majesty. But with grief of heart we cannot but observe, that, to these princely offers, your majesty has been advised (by what secret enemies to your maj.whom (if he should succeed) they are sure to

Resolved, after further debate, "That a committee be appointed to prepare an humble Address to his majesty, upon the debate of the house, in answer to his majesty's Speech."

The Commons' Address, in Answer to the King's Speech.] Dec. 30. Mr. Hampden reported the Address; which was read and agreed to, as follows:

liances can be made for the advantage of the Protestant Religion and Interest, which shall give confidence to your majesty's allies, to join so vigorously with your majesty, as the state of that interest in the world now requires, while they see this Protestant kingdom in so much danger of a Popish Successor? By whom, at the present, all their councils and actions may be eluded, as hitherto they have been; and by

are humble suitors to your majesty, that from henceforth such persons only may be judges within the kingdom of England, and dominion of Wales, as are men of ability, integrity, and known affection to the protestant religion: And that they may hold both their offices and salaries, quamdiu se bene gesserint.' That (several deputy-lieutenants and justices of the peace fitly qualified for those employments, having been of late displaced, and others put in their room, who are men of arbitrary principles, and countenancers of papists and popery) such only may bear the office of a lordlieutenant, as are persons of integrity and known affection to the protestant religion. That deputy-lieutenants, and justices of the peace, may be also so qualified, and may be moreover men of abilities, of estates and interest in their country. That none be employed as military officers, or officers in your majesty's fleet, but men of known experience, courage, and affection to the Protestant religion.-These our humble requests being obtained, we shall, on our part, be ready to assist your majesty for the preservation of Tangier; and for putting your majesty's fleet into such a condition, as it may preserve your majesty's Sovereignty of the

be destroyed. We have thus humbly laid before your majesty some of those great dangers and mischiefs, which evidently accompany the expectation of a Popish Successor. The certain and unspeakable evils which will come upon your majesty's Protestant subjects, and their posterity, if such a prince should inherit, are more also than we can well enumerate.Our Religion, which is now so dangerously shaken, will then be totally overthrown; nothing will be left, or can be found to protect or defend it.-The execution of old laws must cease, and it will be vain to expect new ones. The most sacred obligations of contracts and promises, (if any such should be given) that shall be judged to be against the interest of the Romish Religion, will be violated; as is undeniable, not only from argument and experience elsewhere, but from the sad experience this nation once had on the like occasion. In the reign of such a prince, the Pope will be acknowledged supreme, (though the subjects of this kingdom have sworn the contrary) and all causes, either as spiritual, or in order to spiritual things, will be brought under his jurisdiction. The lives, liberties, and estates of all such Protestants, as value their souls and their religion more than their secular concern-Seas, and be for the defence of the nation.— ments, will be adjudged forfeited.-To all this If your majesty hath, or shall make any neceswe might add, that it appears in the discovery sary Alliances for defence of the Protestant reof the Plot, that foreign princes were invited ligion, and interest and security of this kingto assist in securing the crown to the duke of dom, this house will be ready to assist and York, with arguments from his great zeal to stand by your majesty in the support of the establish Popery, and to extirpate Protestants same. After this our humble Auswer to your (whom they call Heretics) out of his dominions; majesty's gracious Speech, we hope no evil inand such will expect performance accordingly. struments whatsoever, shall be able to lessen -We farther humbly beseech your majesty, in your majesty's esteem of that fidelity and afyour great wisdom to consider, whether, infection we bear to your majesty's service: but case the imperial crown of this Protestant kingdom should descend to the duke of York, the opposition which may possibly be made to his possessing it, may not only endanger the farther descent in the royal line, but even monarchy itself. For these reasons, we are most humble petitioners to your most sacred majesty, that, in tender commiseration of your poor Protestant people, your majesty will be graciously pleased to depart from the reservation in your said Speech; and when a Bill shall be tendered to your maj. in a parliamentary way, to disable the duke of York from inheriting the crown, your majesty will give your royal assent thereto; and as necessary to fortify and defend the same, that your maj. will likewise be graciously pleased to assent to an Act, whereby your maj.'s Protestant subjects may be enabled to associate themselves for the Defence of your maj.'s person, the Protestant Religion, and the security of your kingdoms. These requests we are constrained humbly to make to your majesty as of absolute necessity, for the safe and peaceable enjoyment of our religion. Without these things, the alliances of England will not be valuable, nor the people encouraged to contribute to your majesty's service. As some farther means for the preservation both of our religion and property, we

that your maj. will always retain, in your royal breast, that favourable opinion of us your loyal commons, that those other good Bills which we have now under consideration, conducing to the great ends we have before mentioned, as also all laws for the benefit and comfort of your people, which shall from time to time be tendered for your majesty's royal assent, shall find acceptance with your majesty."

Debate on the Bill for uniting his Majesty's Protestant Subjects.] Dec. 21. A Bill was read for uniting his majesty's Protestant Subjects *.

Mr. Powle. Sir, it is not to be doubted but that the happiness of this nation, and safety of our religion, doth depend very much upon preserving the well-constituted government of the church; and that the government in the state will not long stand, if that be pulled down, to which, I am afraid, this Bill will contribute very much. Sir, it is well known, how, notwithstanding all the endeavours of his majesty,

"This Bill was not introduced till towards the latter end of Dec. when the close of the session was in view. And hence it may be concluded that it was one of those parliamen tary fire-works that are occasionally let off, only to make a noise and expire." Ralph.