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the crown, so I will never invade any man's property; and you may be sure, that having heretofore ventured my life in the defence of this nation, I will still go as far as any man in preserving it, in all its just rights and liberties; and having given you this assurance concerning the care I will have of your Religion and Property, which I have chose to do in the same words which I used at my first coming to the crown; the better to evidence to you, that I spoke them not by chance, and consequently that you may firmly rely upon a promise so solemnly made. I cannot doubt that I shall fail of suitable returns from you, with all imaginable duty and kindness on your part, and particularly to what relates to the settling of my Revenue, and continuing it, during my life, as it was in the life-time of my brother. I might use many arguments to enforce this demand, for the benefit of Trade, the support of the Navy, the necessity of the Crown, and the well-being of the Government itself, which I must not suffer to be precarious; but I am confident, your own consideration of what is just and reasonable, will suggest to you whatsoever might be enlarged upon this occasion.-There is one popular arguiment which I foresee may be used against what I ask of you, from the inclination men have for frequent parliaments, which some may think would be the best security, by feeding me from time to time by such proportions as they shall think convenient; and this argument, it being the first time I speak to you from the throne, I will answer once for all, that this would be a very improper method to take with me, and that the best way to engage me to meet you often, is always to use me well. I expect, therefore, that you will comply with me in what I have desired; and that you will do it speedily, that this may be a short session, and that we may meet again to all our satisfactions.-My Lords and Gentlemen; I must acquaint you that I have had news this morning from Scotland, that Argyle is landed in the West Highlands, with the men he brought with him from Holland ;* that there

"The earl of Argyle, after having lived quiet in Friseland ever since the disappointment in 1683, resolved at last to go to his own country, where he hoped he could bring 5000 men together. Accordingly he landed with some of his country-men in Argyleshire, but the early notice the council had of his designs had spoiled his whole scheme; for they had brought in all the gentlemen of his country to Edinburgh, which saved them, though it helped on his ruin. Yet he got above 2500 men to come to him. But he lingered too long, hoping still to have brought more of his Highlanders together: so much time was lost. And all the country was summoned to come out against him. At last he crossed an arm of the sea, and landed in the Isle of Bute; where he spent 12 days more, till he had eat up that island, pretending still that he hoped to be joined by more of his Highlanders." Burnet.

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are two Declarations published, one in the name of all those in arms, the other in his own; it would be too long for me to repeat the substance of thein, it is sufficient to tell you, I am charged with usurpation and tyranny, the shorter of them I have directed to be forthwith communicated to you.-I will take the best care I can, that this Declaration of their own faction and rebellion may meet with the reward it deserves, and I will not doubt but you will be the more zealous to support the government, and give me my Revenue as I have desired it without delay."

Both Houses return Thanks to the King.] The commons immediately resolved, nem. con. “That the most humble and hearty Thanks of this house be given to his majesty for his most gracious Speech, and that the lords' concurrence be desired thereto." To which the lords acceded.

The late King's Revenue granted for Life.] Resolved, nem. con. "That the Revenue which was settled on his late majesty for his life be settled on his present majesty during his life.” Ordered, That Mr. Solicitor do bring in a Bill for that purpose.*

* "As the grant of revenue was unanimous, so there does not appear to have been any thing which can justly be styled a debate upon it; though Hume employs several pages in giving the arguments which, he affirms, were actually made use of, and, as he gives us to understand, in the house of commons, for and against the question; arguments which, on both sides, seem to imply a considerable love of freedom, and jealousy of royal power, and are not wholly unmixed even with some sentiments disrespectful to the king. Now I cannot find, either from tradition, or from contemporary writers, any ground to think, that, either the reasons which Hume has adduced, or indeed any other, were urged in opposition to the grant. The only speech made upon the occasion, seems to have been that of Mr. (afterwards sir Edward,) Seymour, who, though of the Tory party, a strenuous opposer of the Exclusion Bill, and in general, supposed to have been an approver, if not an adviser, of the tyrannical measures of the late reign, has the merit of having stood forward singly, to remind the house of what they owed to themselves and their constituents. He did not, however, directly oppose the grant, but stated, that the elections had been carried an under so much court influence, and in other respects so illegally, that it was the duty of the house first to ascertain, who were the legal members, before they proceeded to other business of importance. After having pressed this point, he observed, that, if ever it were necessáry to adopt such an order of proceeding, it was more peculiarly so now, when the laws and religion of the nation were in evident peril; that the aversion of the English people to popery, and their at tachment to the laws, were such, as to secure these blessings from destruction by any other

The Earl of Argyle's Declaration.] The earl of Middleton delivered a Paper from his majesty, entitled,

their design, so I claim interest but in what I had before, the pretended forfeitures of my friends, and have sufficient right to.—And that I do freely, fully, and as a Christian forgive all personal injuries against my person and family, to all that shall not oppose, but join and concur with us in our present undertaking, for the mentioned reasons in the said Declaration. And hereby I oblige myself never to pursue them in judgment. And I farther declare, that, obtaining the peaceable and quiet possession of what belonged to my father and myself before our pretended forfeitures, I shall satisfy all debts due from my father and myself, and as my faithfulness to his late majesty and his government hath sufficiently appeared to all unbiassed persons void of malice, so I do with grief acknowledge my former too much complying with, and conniving at the methods taken to bring us to the sad condition we are now in, though (God knows) never concurring in the design. I have now, with God's strength, suffered patiently my unjust sentence and banishment three years and a half, and have never offered to make any uproar or defence the only mistake consists in giving the name of motion to a suggestion, upon the question of a grant. It is whimsical enough, that it should be from the account of the French ambassader, that we are enabled to reconcile to the records, and to the forms of the English house of commons, a relation made by a distinguished mem

The DECLARATION of Archibald earl of Argyle, Cowall and Campbel, Lorn, &c. Heretable Sheriff and Lieutenant of Argyle and Tarbet, and Heretable Justice General of the said Shires, and of the West Isles, and others; with his Orders to his Vassals and others in the said Shires, and under his jurisdiction, to concur for Defence of their Religion, their Lives and Liberties. "I shall not mention my Case published in print in Latin and Dutch, and more at large in English, nor need I repeat the printed Declaration emitted by several noblemen and gentlemen, and others of both nations now in arms; but because the sufferings of me and my family are therein mentioned, I have thought fit to declare for myself, that as I go to arms with those that have appointed me to conduct them for no private or personal end, but only for those contained in the said Declaration, I have concorded with them and approved of instrumentality than that of parliament itself, which, however, might be easily accomplished, if there were once a parliament entirely dependant upon the persons who might harbour such designs; that it was already rumoured that the Test, and Habeas Corpus Acts, the two bulwarks of our religion and liberties, were to be repealed; that what he stated was so noto-ber of the English house of lords. Sir John rious as to need no proof. Having descanted with force and ability upon these, and other topics of a similar tendency, he urged his conclusion, that the question of royal revenue ought not to be the first business of the parliament. Whether, as Burnet thinks, because he was too proud to make any previous communication of his intentions, or that the strain of his argument was judged to be too bold for the times, this speech, whatever secret approbation it might excite, did not receive from any quarter either applause or support. Under these circumstances it was not thought necessary to answer him, and the grant was voted unanimously, without further discussion.-As Barilion, in the relation of parliamentary proceedings, transmitted by him to his court, in which he appears at this time to have been very exact, gives the same description of Seymour's speech and its effects, with Burnet, there can be little doubt but their account is correct. It will be found as well in this, as in many other instances, that an unfortunate inattention, on the part of the reverend historian, to forms, has made his veracity unjustly called in question. He speaks of Seymour's speech as if it had been a motion in the technical sense of the word, for enquiring into the elections, which had no effect. Now no traces remain ing of such a motion, and, on the other hand, the elections having been at a subsequent period inquired into, Ralph almost pronounces the whole account to be erroneous; whereas

Reresby does indeed say, that among the gentlemen of the house of commons whom he accidentally met, they in general seemed willing to settle a handsome revenue upon the king, and to give him money; but whether their grant should be permanent, or only temporary, and to be renewed from time to time by parliament, that the nation might be often consulted, was the question. But besides the looseness of the expression, which may only mean that the point was questionable, it is to be observed, that he does not relate any of the arguments which were brought forward, even in the private conversations to which he refers; and when he afterwards gives an account of what passed in the house of commons, (where he was present,) he does not hint at any debate having taken place, but rather implies the contrary. This misrepresentation of Mr. Hume's is of no small importance, inasmuch as, by intimating that such a question could be debated at all, and much more, that it was debated with the enlightened views, and bold topics of argument with which his genius has supplied him, he gives us a very false notion of the character of the parliament, and of the times which he is describing. It is not improbable, that if the arguments had been used, which this historian supposes, the utterer of them would have been expelled, or sent to the Tower; and it is certain, that he would not have been heard with any degree of attention, or even patience." Fox's JAMES II. p. 147.

by arms, to disturb the peace, upon my private Resolved, nem, con. "That this house doth concerns. But the king being now dead, and acquiesce, entirely rely, and rest wholly satis the duke of York having taken off his masque, fied in his majesty's gracious Word, and reand having abandoned and invaded our Reli-peated Declaration, to support and defend the gion and Liberties, resolving to enter into the Religion of the Church of England, as it is government, and exercising contrary to law, I now by law established; which is dearer to us think not only just, but my duty to God and than our lives."* my country, to use my utmost endeavours to oppose and repress his usurpation and tyranny. And therefore being assisted and furnished very nobly by several good Protestants, and invited, and accompanied by several of both nations to head them, I resolve, as God shall enable me, to use their assistance of all kinds towards the ends expressed in the said Declaration. And I do hereby earnestly invite and oblige all honest Protestants, and particularly all my friends and blood relations to concur with us in the said Declaration. And as I have written several Letters, so having no other way fully to intimate my mind to others, I do hereby command all my vassals every where, and all within my several jurisdictions, with defensable men in their commands, to go to arms, and to join with us according to the said Declaration, as they will be answerable at their perils, and to obey the particular orders they shall receive from me, from time to time."

The Commons resolve to stand by the King, with their Lives and Fortunes.] The commons resolved, nem. con. "That this house will stand by and assist his majesty with their Lives and Fortunes, against Archibald Campbel the pretended earl of Argyle and his adherents, and all rebels, and traitors, and all others whatsoever, that shall assist them or any of

them."

* "The unanimous vote for trusting the safety of religion to the king's declaration, passed not without observation; the rights of the church of England being the only point upon which, at this time, the parliament were in any degree jealous of the royal power. The committee of religion had voted unanimously, "That it is the opinion of the committee, that this house will stand by his majesty with their lives and fortunes, according to their bounden duty and allegiance, in defence of the reformed church of England, as it is now by law established; and that an humble address be presented to his majesty, to desire him to issue forth his royal proclamation, to cause the penal laws to be put in execution against all dissenters from the church of England whatsoever." But upon the report of the house, the question of agreeing with the committee was evaded by a previous question, and the house, with equal unanimity, resolved, "That this house doth acquiesce, and entirely rely, and rest wholly satisfied, on his majesty's gracious word, and repeated declaration to support and defend the religion of the church of England, as it is now by law established, which is dearer to us than our lives." Mr. Echard, and bishop Kennet, two writers of different principles, but both churchmen, assign, as the motive of this vote, the unwillingness of the party then prevalent in parliament, to adopt severe measures against the Protestant dissenters; but in this notion they are by means supported by the account, imperfect as it is, which sir John Reresby gives of the debate; for he makes no mention of tenderness towards dissenters, but states, as the chief argument against agreeing with the committee, that it might excite a jealousy of the king; and Barillon expressly says, that the first vote gave great offence to the king, still more to the queen, and that orders were, in Resolutions concerning Religion.] May 27. consequence, issued to the court members of Sir T. Meres reports from the grand committee the house of commons, to devise some means for Religion, That the committee, having taken to get rid of it. Indeed, the general circumthe matters yesterday to them referred into stances of the times are decisive against the their consideration, had agreed upon the two hypothesis of the two reverend historians; nor following Resolves; viz. 1. "That it be re- is it, as far as I know, adopted by any other ported to the house, as the opinion of this historians. The probability seems to be, that grand committee, to assist and stand by his the motion in the committee had been origimajesty, according to our duty and allegiance, nally suggested by some Whig member, who for the support and defence of the Reformed could not, with prudence, speak his real sentiReligion of the Church of England, as now by ments openly, and who thought to embarrass law established, with our lives and fortunes. the government, by touching upon a matter, 2. That the house be moved, from this grand where the union between the church party and committee, to make an humble Address to his the king, would be put to the severest test. majesty to publish his royal Proclamation for The zeal of the Tories for persecution, made putting the laws in execution against all Dis-them at first give into the snare; but when, senters whatsoever from the Church of Eng- upon reflection, it occurred, that the involving land." Both which, upon the previous question, of the Catholics in one common danger with being disagreed to by the house,

The King's Answer.] May 23, p. m. The house attended his majesty with the above Resolution, to which his majesty was pleased to make this Answer: viz.

"Gentlemen ; I could expect no less from a house of commons so composed, as (God be thanked) you are: I rely on the assurances you have given me, which are the natural effects of Monarchical and Church of England men. I will stand by all such, and, so supported, have no reason to fear any rebels, or enemies I have or may have."

ance, I may carry the reputation of it yet higher in the world, than ever it has been in the time of any of my ancestors. And as I will not call upon you for Supplies but when they are of public use and advantage; so I promise you, that what you give me upon such occasions shall be managed with good husbandry and I will take care it shall be employed

to the uses for which I ask them."*

The Speaker's Speech to the King on pre- | hopes, that, by God's blessing and your assistsenting the Revenue Bill.] May 30. His majesty being on his throne, the lords being also in their robes; the gentleman usher had command to signify to the commons his majesty's pleasure, that they come presently, with their Speaker, to attend him; who, being come, said, "Most gracious sovereign; We the knights, citizens, and burgesses of the commons, assembled in parliament, do now come in all duty to present to your maj. the Revenue you pleased to demand at the opening of this parliament; wherein we proceeded with as much speed as the forms of passing bills of that nature would admit. We bring not with it any Bill for the Preservation or Security of our Religion, which is dearer to us than our lives: in that, we acquiesce, intirely rely, and rest wholly satisfied, in your majesty's gracious and sacred word, repeated declaration and assurance, to support and defend the Religion of the Church of England, as it is now by law established.-We present this Revenue to your majesty, without the addition of any conditional Appropriating or Tacking Clauses, &c.; and we humbly beseech your maj. to accept of it; and along with it our hearty prayers, that God Almighty would bless you with a long life, and happy reign to enjoy it.

The King's Speech thereupon.] After passing the said Bill, his majesty made this Speech:

A Supply voted for the Nary.] A motion being made for a Supply, upon his majesty's Speech; the house, in a grand committee, Resolved, nem. con. 1. "That a Supply be given to his majesty towards the repairs of the Navy and Ordnance, and the Stores for the same; and for those other occasions in his majesty's Speech. 2. That, towards the said Supply, an Imposition to be laid on all Wines and Vinegar. 3. That the Imposition to be laid on Wines and Vinegar be the same that was laid thereon by an act of parliament, 22 Ch. ii. entitled, &c." Which being reported were agreed to by the house, and the Solicitor-General was ordered to prepare a Bill accordingly.

Bill to reverse Lord Stafford's Attainder.] June 3. The lords in a grand committee made some alterations in the title to a Bill for the reversing the Attainder of the lord visc. Stafford, a considerable Amendment in the Preamble, and a small Amendment in the enacting Clause, and then the Bill was engrossed: and the Reason of the Reversal was in these words; "Whereas it is now manifest, that the said Wm. late visc. Stafford, was innocent of the Treason laid to his Charge, and the Testimony whereby he was found guilty, was false: be it enacted, &c."

"My lords and gentlemen; I thank you very heartily for the Bill you have presented me this day; and I assure you, the readiness and cheerfulness that has attended the dispatch of it, is as acceptable to me as the bill itself. After so happy a beginning, you may believe, I would not call upon you unnecessarily for an extraordinary Supply. But, when I tell you, that the Stores of the Navy and Ordnance are. extremely exhausted; that the Anticipations upon several branches of the Revenue are great and burthensome; that the Debts of the king my brother to his servants and family are such as deserve compassion; that the Rebellion in Scotland, without putting more weight upon it than it really deserves, must oblige me to a considerable expence extraordinary; I am sure, such considerations will move you to give me an Aid, to provide for those things, wherein the security, the ease, and the happiness of my government, are so much concerned: but, above all, I must recommend to you the care of the Navy, the strength and glory of this nation, that you will put it into such a condition, as may make us considered and respected abroad. I cannot express my concern upon this occasion more suitable to my own thoughtssurances which he had so lately made in favour of it, than by assuring you I have a true English heart, as jealous of the honour of the nation as you can be. And I please myself with the

the Protestant dissenters, must be displeasing to the king, they drew back without delay, and passed the most comprehensive vote of confidence, which James could desire." Fox's JAMES II. p. 151.

* "Rapin, Hume, and Ralph, observe upon this speech, that neither the generosity of the commons' grant, nor the confidence they expressed upon religious matters, could extort a kind word in favour of their religion. But this observation, whether meant as a reproach to him for his want of gracious feeling to a gene rous parliament, or as an oblique compliment to his sincerity, has no force in it. His majesty's speech was spoken immediately upon passing the bills which the Speaker presented, and he could not therefore take notice of the Speaker's words, unless he had spoken extempore; for the custom is not, nor I believe ever was, for the Speaker to give, beforehand, copics of addresses of this nature. James would not certainly have scrupled to repeat the as

of the Protestant religion, as he did not scrople to talk of his true English heart, honour of the nation, &c. at a time when he was engaged with France; but the speech was prepared for an answer to a money bill, not for a question of the Protestant religion and church, and the false professions in it are adapted to what was supposed to be the only subject of it." Fox's JAMES II. p. 160.

Account of the Duke of Monmouth's landing.] June 13. The earl of Middleton acquainted the commons from his majesty," That his majesty had this morning received advice, as well by Letter from the mayor of Lyme in Dorsetshire, as by two messengers come from thence, who had been examined upon oath at the Council Table, That the duke of Monmouth, with the late lord Grey, was landed in a hostile manner, with many men and arms; and had seized the port and guns, setting up a standard in the town, and were listing others."* Resolutions thereupon.] And the said Letter being produced, and read to the house; and the said messengers being called in, and testifying the truth of the matter at the bar of the house;

Resolved, nem. con. "That the most humble and hearty Thanks of this house be returned to his majesty, for his gracious Message to this house communicating the landing of the duke of Monmouth; and that this house will stand

Protest thereon.] But before the question was put for engrossing the Bill, the earls of Anglesea and Radnor, and two or three other lords, desired leave to enter their Dissents, for these Reasons; 1st, Because the assertion in the Bill of its being now manifest that the late visc. Stafford died innocent, and that the testimony on which he was convicted was false,' which are the sole grounds and reasons given to support the Bill, were destitute of all proof, warrant, or testimony, or matter of record before us. 2. That the Record of the King's-bench, read at the committee, concerning the conviction, last term, of one of the witnesses for perjury, in collateral points of proof, of no affinity to the lord Stafford's Trial, and given several years before, it is conceived can be no ground to invalidate the testimony upon which the said viscount was convicted, which could never legally be by one witness, and was in fact by the judgment of his peers, on the evidence of at least three. 3. It is -conceived the said Judgment in the King's-by and assist his maj, with their Lives and Forbench was unprecedented, illegal and unwarranted, and highly derogatory to the honour, judicature and authority of this court, who have power to question and punish perjuries of witnesses before them, and ought not to be imposed upon by the judgments of inferior courts, or their Attainder of a peer invalidated by implication; and the Popish Plot so condemned, pursued and punished by his late majesty and four parliaments, after public solemn devotion through the whole kingdom, by authority of Church and State, to be eluded, to the arraignment and scandal of the government; and only for the restoring of the family of one popish lord. And all this, being without any matter judicially appearing before us to induce the same; and the records of the Trial not suffered to be read, for the information of the truth, before the passing of the bill. 4. For many other weighty Reasons offered and given by divers peers in the two days debate of this bill, both at the committee, and in the house."

The next day, the Bill was read a third time, and passed in the house of peers; but the forementioned lords repeated their Protestations against it, and were seconded by the earls of Stamford and Clare, and the lord Eure, because the preamble of it was not amended, and no defect in point of law alledged as a reason for the reversal of the Attainder. But though the said Bill passed the lords, it was dropped by the commons."

"The only matter in which the king's views were in any degree thwarted, was the reversal of lord Stafford's attainder, which, having passed the house of lords, not without opposition, was lost in the house of commons; a strong proof that the Popish plot was still the subject upon which the opposers of the court had most credit with the public. Mr. Hume, notwithstanding his just indignation at the condemnation of Stafford, and his general inclinaVOL. IV.

tunes against the said James duke of Monmouth, his adherents and correspondents, and all re

tion to approve of royal politics, most unaccountably justifies the commons in their rejection of this bill, upon the principle of its being impolitic at that time to grant so full a justification of the Catholics, and to throw so foul an imputation upon the Protestants. Surely if there be one moral duty that is binding upon men in all times, places, and circumstances, and from which no supposed views of policy can excuse them, it is that of granting a full justification to the innocent; and such Mr. Hume considers the Catholics, and especially lord Stafford, to have been. The only rational way of accounting for this solitary instance of non-compliance on the part of the commons, is either to suppose that they still believed in the reality of the Popish Plot, and Stafford's guilt, or that the church party, which was upperiost, had such an antipathy to Popery, as indeed to every sect, whose tenets differed from theirs, that they deemed every thing lawful against its professors." Fox's JAMES II. p. 161.

*"As soon as lord Argyle sailed for Scotland, the duke of Monmouth set about his design with as much haste as possible, and was hurried into an ill-timed invasion. His whole company, with whom, after a prosperous course, he landed at Lyme in Dorsetshire, (on June 11) consisted but of 32 persons. Many of the country people came in to jom him, but very few of the gentry. And he quickly found what it was to be at the head of undisciplined men, that knew nothing of war, and that were not to be used with rigour. His great error was, that he did not, in the first heat, venture' on some hardy action, and then march either to Exeter or Bristol, where, as he would have found much wealth, so he would have gained some reputation by it. But he lingered in exercising his men, and stayed too long in the neighbourhood of Lyme." Burnet. 4 S

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