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member our enemies and only forget us.And in truth, we hope, that the people in general, whose peace is thereby established, our friends in particular, whose honour is thereby asserted; but especially our late adversaries, whose interests are thereby redeemed at our expence, will frankly approve of such moderate satisfaction to us, as the parliament, in their wisdoms shall think reasonable.-The rather, for that the Arrears of the late Army and Navy, though contracted most of them in times of usurpation, being in effect dis charged; those of his majesty's party in Ireland, provided for by special allotments in his majesty's late Declaration concerning that kingdom; the Purchasers of Crown and Church Lands, protected by his majesty's commission in their favour; the Clergy, not only restored to the improved possessions, but to fines of 2) years growth; many private persons rewarded with great gifts, offices, and honours; we only seem abandoned as worthy of nothing but pity from those that will vouch- | safe it, unless our condition may be considered by our country in this parliament.-Wherein, for their encouragement, we assure them, our pretences are not lofty, we covet not to engross the plenty of the nation, by purchasing palaces and parks with our debentures: no; the sum of our misfortune is, that in this estate, we are not only burdensome to ourselves and friends, but useless to our king and country; alas, we have too long conversed with ruin, to conceive vast hopes; and if, upon serious scrutiny, greater dithculties should appear, than we imagine, it is our known fundamental to acquiesce in the judgment of our superiors; only we beg, that our case may be judged, to deserve some public consideration; for howit will much enliven us, to find ourselves not wholly despised, but that expedients to rehere us are, at last, debated, for which we humbly offer these our Proposals. 1. That the greatest services may be most rewarded, but | the greatest necessities first relieved. 2. That his majesty would be graciously pleased to take an Account of all his Gifts and Grants, and suspend the conferring of any more, till persons of the highest sufferings and deserts be, in some sort, accommodated. 3. That the sufferings, wants, and merits of pretenders may be examined by select committees, and certified to his maj. and that his maj. would accordingly provide for their relief, by giving express orders for their admittance to such vacant employments as they are capable of, without referring them to subordinate officers, whereby they may be wearied with attendance, and his majesty's grace unto them frustrated. 4. In case Vacancies be not found competent, that then Reversions may be assured to others. 5. That such as have plentiful estates, or have already obtained any considerable grant from the king's bounty, may be postponed, in his majesty's, and the parliament's consideration. 6. That such as shall appear to have unworthily betrayed, or any ways deserted his ma

ever,

jesty's party, may be, from thence, wholly excluded. 7. That deserving tenants of Bishops, Deans and Chapters, &c. may be generally, and effectually recommended to the Church's favour, in their great plenty, to accept of moderate Fines from them. 8. That the like public recommendation may be made to all his majesty's chief ministers, officers and commanders, for the employing, countenancing, and encouraging, (by all lawful means) such as have eminently deserved, or suffered for his majesty. 9. That for such Soldiers and Sufferers of his majesty's party, as are old, máimed, without callings, or stocks to exercise them, provision may be made, according to their conditions, viz. for some of them good hospitals, the founders whereof, doubtless, could they speak out of their graves, would so direct; for others reasonable sums, or small annuities, but duly paid, that they may no more depend on private alms, which many cannot find, and some cannot seck; this we suppose, will prove rather matter of care, than much charge. 10. That the parliament would lay some public Assessment, such as they shall think reasonable, our country's poverty being considered as well as ours, to be distributed by his majesty's direction, amongst the surviving officers and soldiers of his majesty's armies, and those of the late king of blessed memory, who never received any recompence of their service, whose number being much contracted by time and other accidents, the bulk will not prove so great as perhaps it seems. 11. That the children of such as have been sacrificed, or died in the bed of honour, or done any memorable action for his majesty, (whose catalogue is easily known) may, in due time, reap the fruits of their father's martyrdom, and, for the present, receive some character of signal favour from their country to be transmitted to posterity, for the encouragement of them and theirs, to follow the footsteps of their noble progenitors, to stir up in others an emulation of such loyalty and virtue, and leave the justice of his majesty's arms sufficiently vindicated to future ages."

*

Proceedings in both Houses relative to the Act of Uniformity.] The Act of Uniformity depended long, and took up much debate in both houses. "In the house of peers," says lord Clarendon, where the Act first began, there were many things inserted, which had not been contained in the former Act of Uniformity, and so seemed to carry somewhat of novelty in them. It admitted no person to

have any cure of souls or any ecclesiastical dignity in the Church of England, but such 'who had been or should be ordained priest or 'deacon by some bishop, that is, who had not episcopal ordination; excepting only the ministers or pastors of the French and Dutch Churches in London and other places, allowed by the king, who should enjoy the privileges they had." This was new; for there had

* Lord Clarendon's Life, p. 152.

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bate, that Clause remained still in the Act: and very many, who had received Presbyterian orders in the late times, came very willingly to be ordained in the manner aforesaid by a Bishop; and very few chose to quit or lose a parsonage or vicarage of any value upon that scruple.

"There was another Clause in the bill, that made very much more noise afterwards, though for the present it took not up so much time, and in truth was little taken notice of: that is, a Form of Subscription that every man was to make, who had received, or before he received, any Benefice or Preferment in the Church; which comprehended all the governors, superiors, and fellows, in all the colleges and halls

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been many, and at present there were some, who possessed benefices with cure of souls, and other ecclesiastical promotions, who had never received orders but in France or in Holland; and these men must now receive new ordination, which had been always held unlawful in the Church, or by this act of parliament must be deprived of their livelihood, which they enJoyed in the most flourishing and peaceable time of the Church. And therefore it was said, That this had not been the opinion of the Church of England; and that it would lay a great reproach upon all other Protestant churches who had no bishops, as if they had no ministers, and consequently were no churches: for that it was well known the Church of England did not allow reordina-of either University, and all schoolmasters and tion, as the ancient Church never admitted the like, who are subservient towards learnit; insomuch as if any Priest of the Church ing. Every such person was to declare his ' of Rome renounces the communion thereof, unfeigned Assent and Consent to all and his ordination is not questioned, but he is every thing contained and prescribed in and as capable of any preferment in this church, by the Book, entitled The Book of Com<as if he had been ordained in it. And there- mon Prayer,' &c. The subscription was ge'fore the not admitting the ministers of other nerally thought so reasonable, that it scarce Protestants to have the same privilege, can met with any opposition in either house. But 'proceed from no other ground, than that they when it came abroad, and was to be submitted 'looked not upon them as ministers, having to, all the dissenting brethren cried out, that no ordination; which is a judgment the it was a snare to catch them, to say that which 'Church of England had not ever owned: and could not consist with their consciences.' that it would be very imprudent to do it They took great pains to distinguish and to 'now.' To this it was answered, That the make great difference between Assent and Church of England judged none but her own Consent: they could be content to read the children, nor did determine that other Pro-Book in the manner they were obliged to do, 'testant churches were without ordination. It is a thing without her cognizance: and most of the learned men of those churches had 'made necessity the chief pillar to support that ordination of theirs. That necessity 'cannot be pleaded here, where ordination is 'given according to the unquestionable practice of the church of Christ: if they who tend foreign ordination are his majesty's sub'jects, they have no excuse of necessity, for they might in all times have received episcopal ordination, and so they did upon the mat'ter renounce their own church; if they are 6 strangers, and pretend to preferment in this church, they ought to conform and to be sub'ject to the laws of the kingdom, which concern only those who desire to live under the protection thereof. For the argument of reordination, there is no such thing required. Rebaptization is not allowed in or by any 'church: yet in all churches where it is doubted, as it may be often with very good reason, whether the person hath been baptized or no, ' or if it hath heen baptized by a midwife or ⚫lay person; without determining the validity ' or invalidity of such baptism, there is an hy'pothetical form, If thou hast not been already baptized, I do baptize,' &c. So in this case of ordination, the form may be the same, If thou hast not been already ordained, then 'I do ordain, &c.' If his former ordination were good, this is void; if the other was invalid or defective, he hath reason to be glad that it be thus supplied.' After much de

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which shewed their Consent; but declaring 'their unfeigned Assent to every thing coutained and prescribed therein would imply, that they were so fully convinced in their judgments, as to think that it was so perfect, that nothing therein could be amended, 'which for their part they thought there might. That there were many expressions in the Rubrick, which they were not bound to read; yet by this Assent they declared their approbation thereof.' But after many tedious discourses of this tyrannical imposition, they grew by degrees ashamed of it; and were persuaded to think, that Assent and Consent had so near the same signification, that they could hardly consent to do what they did not assent to: so that the chiefest amongst them, to avoid a very little inconvenience, subscribed the same.

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"But there was shortly after another Clause added, that gave them trouble indeed. When the Bill had passed the lords house, it was sent of course to the commons; where though all the factions in religion had too many friends, for the most contrary and opposite one to another always were united and reconciled against the Church, yet they who were zealous for the government, and who hated all the other factions at least enough, were very much superior in number and in reputation. And the Bill was no sooner read there, than every man according to his passion thought of adding somewhat to it, that might make it more grievous to somebody whom he did not love;

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things in it, as defending the king's person, and maintaining the Protestant religion: and therefore to say that there lies no obligation 'from it, would neither be for the service of the king or the interest of the Church; espe

wrought upon the conscience of many to serve the king in the late Revolution, from which his majesty had received great advantage.' However it was now dead, all men were absolved from taking it, nor could it be imposed or offered to any man without punishment; and they, who had in the ill times been forced to take it, did now inviolably and cheerfully perform all the duties of allegiance and fidelity to his majesty. If it had at any time produced any good, that was an excuse for the irregularity of it: it could do no mischief for the future; and therefore that it was time to bury it in oblivion."-Many men believed, that though they insisted principally on that part which related to the Covenant, They were in truth more afflicted with the first part; in which it was declared, that it was not lawful, upon any pretence whatsoever, to take Arms against the king; and that he doth abhor that traiterous position of taking Arms

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which made the discourses tedious and vehe- | ment, and full of animosity. And at last they agreed upon a Clause, which contained another Subscription and Declaration which every man was to make before he could be admitted into any Benefice or Ecclesiastical promotion,cially since it was well known, that it had or to be a Governor or Fellow in either of the Universities. He must first declare, That it 'is not lawful, upon any pretence whatsoever, 'to take Arms against the king; and that he 'doth abhor that traiterous position of taking Arms by his authority against his person, or against those that are commissioned by him; ' and that he will conform to the Liturgy of the 'Church of England, as it is now by law esta 'blished." And he doth declare, That he 'doth hold there lies no obligation upon him, ་ or any other person, from the Oath com'monly called The Solemn League and Covenant, to endeavour any change or alteration of government, either in Church or State; and that the same was in itself an unlawful Oath, and imposed upon the subjects of this realm, against the known laws and liberties ' of the kingdom;' with some other Clauses, which need not be mentioned because they were afterwards left out. And with this Addition, and some other Alterations, they re-by his authority against his person: which turned the Bill again to the lords for their approbation. "The framing and forming this Clause had taken up very much time, and raised no less passion in the house of commons: and now it came among the lords, it was not less troublesome. It added to the displeasure and jealousy against the Bishops, by whom it was thought to be prepared, and commended to their party in the lower house. Many lords, who had taken the Covenant, were not so much concerned that the clergy (for whom only this Act was prepared) should be obliged to make this Declaration; but apprehended more, that when such a Clause should be once passed in one act of parliament, it could not after be disputed, and so would be inserted into all other acts which related to the function of any other offices, and so would in a short time be required of themselves. And therefore they opposed it warmly as a thing unnecessary, and which would widen the breach, instead of closing up the wounds that had 'been made; which the king had made it his business to do, and the parliament had hitherto concurred with his majesty in that en'deavour. That many men would believe or fear (which in such a case is the same), that this Clause might prove a breach of the Act of Indemnity, which had not only provided " against indictments and suits at law and pe'nalties, but against reproaches for what was past, which this Clause would be understood

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give new life to. For what concerned the conformity to the Liturgy of the Church as it is now established, it is provided for as fully in the former subscription in this act, and therefore is impertinent in this place. That the Covenant contained many good

VOL. IV.

conclusions had been the principles which supported their rebellion, and by which they had imposed upon the people, and got their concurrence. They durst not oppose this, because the parliament had already by a former Act declared the law to be so in those particulars: yet this went much nearer to them, that by their own particular Declaration (for they looked upon it as that which in a short time must be their own), they should upon the matter confess themselves to have been traitors, which they had not yet been declared to have been; and no man could now justify the calling them so.

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They who were most solicitous that the house should concur with the commons in this Addition, had field room enough to expatiate upon the gross iniquity of the Covenant. They made themselves very merry with the allegation, that the king's Safety and the Interest of the Church were provided for by the Covenant, when it had been therefore entered into, to fight against the king and to destroy the church. That there was no one lawful or honest clause in the Covenant, that was not destroyed or made of no signification by the next that succeeded; and if it were not, the same obligation was better provided for by some other oaths, which the same men had or ought to have taken, and which ought to have restrained them from taking the Covenant and therefore it may justly be pronounced, that there is no obligation upon any man from thence. That there was no breach of the Act of Indemnity, nor any reproach upon any man for having taken it, except what would result from his own conscience. But that it was most absolutely necessary for the Safety of the king's

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and no other form admitted: and what clergyman soever did not fully conform to whatsoever was contained in that Book, or enjoined by the Act of Uniformity, by or before St. Bartholomew-Day, which was about three months after the Act was published; he was, ipso facto, deprived of his benefice, or any other spiritual promotion of which he stood possessed, and the patron was to present another in his place, as if he were dead: so that it was not in the king's power to give any dispensation to any man, that could preserve him against the penalty in the Act of Uniformity."

The Speaker's Speech to the King at the end of the Session.] The Act of Uniformity, and several other Acts, being now ready for the royal assent, the king came this day to the house of peers, and having sent for the commons, he was addressed by their Speaker as follows:

person, and the peace of the kingdom, that they who had taken it should declare, that they do not believe themselves to be bound by it: otherwise, they may still think, that they may fight against the king, and must conspire the destruction of the Church. And they cannot take too much care, or use too 'much diligence, to discover who are of that opinion; that they may be strictly looked unto, and restrained from doing that which they take themselves obliged to do. That the Covenant is not dead, as was alleged, but still retains great vigour; was still the idol to which the Presbyterians sacrificed: and that there must and would always be a general jealousy of all those who had taken it, until they had declared that it did not bind them; especially of the Clergy, who had so often enlarged in their pulpits, how absolutely and indispensably all men were obliged to prosecute the end of it, which is to deMay it please your most excellent majesty; stroy the Church, whatever danger it brings The glorious body of the sun doth exhilarate the King's Person to. And therefore they the soul of man with its light, and fructify the of all men ought to be glad of this opportu-earth by its heat. In like manner, we, the nity, that was offered, to vindicate their loy-knights, citizens, and burgesses of the commons alty and obedience; and if they were not ready to do so, they were not fit to be trusted with the charge and care of the souls of the king's subjects."-And in truth there were not any more importunate for the enjoining this Declaration, than many who had taken the Covenant. Many who had never taken it, and bad always detested it, and paid soundly for being known to do so, were yet very sorry that it was inserted at this time and in this place; for they foresaw it would make divisions, and keep up the several factions, which I would have been much weakened, and in a short time brought to nothing, if the Presbyterians had been separated from the rest, who did perfectly hate and were as perfectly hated by all the rest. But since it was brought upon the stage, and it had been the subject of so much debate, they believed the house of lords could not now refuse to concur with the commons, without undergoing some reproach and scandal of not having an ill opinion enough of the Covenant; of which as they were in no degree guilty, so they thought it to be of mischievous consequence to be suspected to be so. And therefore, after they had expunged some other parts of that Subscription which had been annexed to it, and mended some other expressions in other places, which might rather irritate than compose those humours which already boiled too much, they returned the bill to the commons; which submitted to all that they had done: and so it was presented to the king, who could not well refuse his royal assent, nor did in his own judgment or inclination dislike what was offered to him.-By this Act of Uniformity there was an end put to all the liberty and license, which had been practised in all churches from the time of his majesty's return, and by his Declaration that he had emitted afterwards. The Common Prayer must now be constantly read in all churches,

house of parliament, do with all humility and thankfulness acknowledge, these frequent accessions to your royal presence do both comfort our hearts, and influence our actions. Geographers do tell us, the Land of Egypt is a dry soil, but made fertile by the overflowing of the river Nilus; and, according to the degrees of the flood, the inhabitants do prognosticate the fruitfulness of the ensuing year. If it flows to 12 degrecs, it presages a good harvest; if to 13, then more plentiful; but if to 14 degrees, their hopes are raised to an expectation of an abundant increase.-Great Sir; Your return into this nation in the 12th year of your reign resembles the flowing of the river Nilus in the 12th degree; that year was crowned with the enjoyment of your royal person. The last year, being the 13th year of your majesty's reign, we were made happy in your Coronation, and by your sanction of many good and useful laws, both for the Church and State. And now our river Nilus begins to flow 14 degrees, we are, by the mercies of God, in an humble expectation of a great jubilee. Our gracious Queen is now happily landed; who, we do hope, and daily pray, may prove a suitable companion to your royal person, and, ere long, a nursing mother in this nation.--If your majesty but please to cast your eyes upon the table, and behold the great number of Bills that there present themselves before you, like so many sheaves of corn bound up and ready to be housed; and will vouch safe to see how both my hands are filled with no light presents from your loyal commons; and if your royal majesty, the great Lord of the Harvest, shall vouchsafe to crown this day by your gracious concessions to our desires; the world will then see how great a duty your people cheerfully pay both to your royal person and your government; and likewise how great a zeal your majesty hath, by the faithful advice

of the lords spiritual and temporal and com- majesty may raise, for the 3 next ensuing years, mous assembled in parliament, to settle the one month's tax in each year, after the rate of Church in her ancient glory, and to restore the 70,000l. per mensem, if necessity shall so happy people of this nation to their ancient require. In the next place, according to your rights and privileges.--Some foreign writers, majesty's commands, we have surveyed the that envy the happiness of our government, in- wasted Revenue of the Crown; and, in pursujuriously asperse this nation with a reproachful ance of our promises, do humbly propound saying, 'That the crown of England is only unto your majesty a fair addition. We conmaintained by the Benevolence of the people; sidered, that great part of your majesty's Rewhich never is granted, but in exchange of venue is but for life: and both that, and also some royal prerogative.'-Great Sir; We part of the rest, depends upon the peace, the know, the strongest building must fall, if the trade, and trailic of the nation, and therefore coupling pins be pulled out: therefore our may be much impaired by wars with foreign care hath been, to prepare such constitutions, nations. This put us upon the search of that the prerogative of the crown and the pro- something that might arise within our own priety of the people may, like squared stones, walls, and not to be subject to such continin a well-built arch, each support the other, gencies. We pitched our thoughts at last upon and grow the closer and stronger for any those places where we enjoy our greatest comweight or force that shall be laid upon them, forts and securities, our dwelling-houses; and, -We cannot forget the late disputing age, considering even that security is secured unto wherein most persons took a liberty, and some us by your majesty's vigilance and care in the men made it their delight, to trample upon the government; we have prepared a Bill, whereby discipline and governinent of the Church. The we desire it may be enacted, That all houses hedge being trod down, the foxes and the in this kingdom, which are worth in yearly wolves did enter; the swine and other unclean value above 20s. and not inhabited by almsbeasts defiled the temple. At length it was men, may pay unto your majesty, your heirs discerned, the Smectymnian Plot did not only and successors, 2s. yearly for every Chimney bend itself to reform Ceremonies, but sought Hearth in each house for ever. When the to erect a popular authority of Elders, and to great Ahitophels of our latter age had by force root out Episcopal Jurisdiction. In order to ravished the venerable laws of this nation (and this work, Church Ornaments were first taken Absurdo dato, sequuntur mille); then every away; then the means whereby distinction, petty artist in his way, yea, even the very comor inequality might be upheld amongst eccle- non beggars, had the confidence to offer viosiastical governors; then the Forms of Com-lence to their chastity. We have therefore mon Prayer, which as members of the public been constrained to prepare several Bills for the body of Christ's Church were enjoined us, Regulation of Trade, our Cloathing Trade, our were decried as superstitious, and in lieu Fishing Trade, our Trade for Stuffs, our Trade thereof nothing, or worse than nothing, intro- for Silks; and, for the better maintenance of duced. Your majesty having already restored intercourse in Trade, to reinforce our former the governors and government of the Church, laws for maintaining the Highways, with some the patrimony and privileges of our church- additions for decency and pleasure of tramen; we held it now our duty, for the refor-vellers.-God, in his providence, hath deterination of all Abuses in the Public Worship of God, humbly to present unto your majesty, a Bill for the Uniformity of public Prayers and Administration of Sacraments.-We hope the God of Order and Unity will conform the hearts of all the people in this nation, to serve him in this Order and Uniformity.-Next to the Worship and Service of God, we applied ourselves to the settling our great concern, the Militia. We have already, according to our duties and the laws, declared the sole right of the Militia to be in your majesty: and now, with your permission, we humbly tender your majesty a Bill for the better Regulation and Ordering the Standing Forces of this nation; wherein we have taken care to make all things so certain, that your majesty's lieutenants and their deputies may know what to command, and all the people learn how to obey.-And because our late wounds are yet but green, and possibly, before the body politic be well purged, may incline to break out again, whereby your majesty may be forced to draw your sword before your treasury be supplied with Money; we have consented that your

mined that Poor we must have always with us: some are made so by the immediate hand of God; others by their loyalty, duty, and service of your royal person and your blessed father; others by their own. wickedness and idleness. We have taken care to relieve the first, to encourage the second, and to reform the last.-Nor hath the case of any private person been unwelcome to us. Those many Private Bills that lie before your majesty do enough confirm this truth, that where we found it just and honourable, we have denied our helping hand to none that prayed it.-And now, Great Sir, after these many months most painful and faithful service of your majesty and our countries, we hope we shall have leave to go home, to visit our relations, to tell our neighbours what great things your majesty hath done for us; what great things (absit invidia verbo) we have done for your majesty; and what great things God hath done for us all; and so pray Almighty God for his mercy to this nation, in the continuance of your majesty's long and happy reign over us."

The King's Speech at the end of the Session.]

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