Speaker resumed something he had said, with reflection. He did not think fit to complain of Mr. Seymour to Mr. Speaker. He believes, that is not reflective. He desires to comport himself with all respect to the house. This passage with Harcourt was a perfect casualty, and if you think fit, he will withdraw, and sacrifice himself to the censure of the house.

Sir Henry Capel. The blow given Harcourt was with his hat; the Speaker cast his eye upon both of them, and both respected him. He would not aggravate the thing. Marvell submits, and he would have you leave the thing as it is.

Sir Robert Holmes saw the whole action. Marvell flung about three or four times with his hat, and then gave Harcourt a box on the

ear.

Sir Henry Capel desires, now that his honour is concerned, that Holmes may explain, whether he saw not Marvell with his hat only give Harcourt the stroke at that time.' Possibly, at another time' it might be.

The Speaker. Both Holmes and Capel are in the right. But Marvell struck Harcourt so home, that his fist, as well as his hat, hit him.

Sir R. Howard hopes the house will not have Harcourt say, he received a blow, when he has not. He thinks what has been said by them both sufficient.

Mr. Garroway hopes, that, by the debate, we shall not make the thing greater than it is. Would have them both reprimanded for it.

Mr. Sec. Williamson submits the honour of the house to the house. Would have thein made friends, and give that necessary assurance to the house, and he, for his part, remaius satisfied.

Sir Tho, Meres. By our long sitting together, we lose, by our familiarity and acquaintance, the decencies of the house. He has seen 500 in the house, and people very orderly; not so much as to read a letter, or set up a foot. One could scarce know any body in the house, but him that spoke. He would have the Speaker declare that order ought to be kept; but as to that gentleman (Marvell) to rest satisfied.

Address to the King concerning Alliances.] Sir John Trevor reported the Address to his majesty, which is as follows:

"We your majesty's most loyal subjects, the knights, citizens, and burgesses, in parliament assembled, do, with unspeakable joy and comfort,present our humble thanks to your majesty, for your majesty's gracious acceptance of our late Address, and that your maj. was pleased, in your princely wisdom, to express your concurrence in opinion with your two houses, in reference to the preservation of the Spanish Netherlands: and we do, with most earnest and repeated desires, implore your majesty, that you would be pleased to take timely care to prevent those dangers that may arise to these kingdoms, by the great power of the French king, and the progress he daily makes in those Netherlands, and other places: and

therefore that your maj. would not defer the entering into such Alliances as may attain those ends. And in case it shall happen that in pursuance of such alliances, your maj. shall be engaged in a war with the French king, we hold ourselves obliged, and do, with all humility and chearfulness, assure your majesty, that your most loyal subjects shall always be ready, upon the signification thereof in parliament, fully, and from time to time, to assist your maj. with such Aids and Supplies, as, by the divine assistance, may enable your majesty to prosecute the same with success. All which we do most humbly offer your majesty as the unanimous sense and desire of the whole nation."

Debate on the Address.] Sir John Ernly, You are already in Alliances defensive, and farther alliances must be war, and so you will expose yourselves to depredations of the French at sea, upon your merchant-ships, and give the French a million by putting the king upon this Address. He declares, that the king's entering into farther Alliances is a war.

Mr. Sec. Williamson. The question is, whe ther this addition of farther Alliances' in this Address be a repetition, or to make the former address more effectual? the middle period of your paper is quite other matter, which was laid by, and set aside by the house. To preserve the Netherlands from the growing power of France, and to enter into stricter Alliances for that purpose. He begs leave only to observe that exception for a question, and to leave it out.

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Sir Tho, Meres. This Address is not good sense if it has not reference to the former, and the king cannot but think of the former. We are told, That stricter Alliances import war but if any thing saves Flanders, it will be 'stricter Alliances;' and he doubts not but that the parliament having resolved it, it will be of weight. He will not say what alliances the king should enter into, but doubts not but they will be good when made.

Mr. Vaughan. Is not our men going into France as much a declaration of war, as the motion of sending money into Germany? He would agree to the Address.

Mr. Powle expects no farther Answer from the king. The design of the house is to give the king thanks for what he thinks so. This goes no farther than the other Address, and ex tends not the thing at all. It is said, that this will incense the French king into a present war with us; but this only enables the king for a present war, if there shall be occasion. When the world knows that the king and his people are together, he is as formidable as any king; and he would agree to the Address.

Col. Birch was not at the drawing up of this address, and therefore it is not a brat of his own, to be fond of it. He takes the Address to be good. The king said, He agreed with the opinion of the house of commons,' and you thank the king for agreeing with your opinion, and you desire him not to defer entering into Alliances, &c.' It has been said,' This puts

a force upon the king, presently to do it.' But this shows the opinion of the house, and their zeal in it. From time to time' we will stand by the king. He never saw, but when things came on unitedly, it was the likeliest way to be quiet. What has this great man on the other side of the water done? the jealousies he has sown between the king and his people have given him that confidence. It is said, That ships are not ready, and therefore such a declaration of the king, as we desire in the Address, is improper. But he believes that the danger was as much for want of ships 18 months since, as now, when we would have given money for ships, and it was not accepted. Now, or never, is the time to let the king of France see, that breaches are made up between the King and his people.

The Address was agreed to by the house; the question for its being recommitted being carried in the negative, 131 to 122.

Debate on the Bill for preserving the Protestant Religion.] April 4. A Bill from the lords was read, entitled, An Act for preserving of the Protestant Religion, and the more effectual conviction and prosecution of Popish Recusants."*

Mr. Sacheverell. This bill from the lords is a toleration of Popery, and puts but 12d. a Sunday difference betwixt the best Protestant, and severest Papist. The lords sent us a Bill lately, wherein they thought fit to transfer the king's Supremacy into other hands; to take it away, unless the king undergo a Test, &c. By this bill, the parliament may be chosen Papists, for the sheriffs and mayors may be so too though Catholics may not, and are under an incapacity, yet another person, their deputy, may, who may set aside all but Romanists. It sets aside all the laws against Popery, but the Act for the Test; and any man may act three months without a test; and your work may be done in that time. The bill intends to put Protestant Recusants into a worse condition than the Popish: by express words in the bill, he is subject to all the penalties the Popish are. The laws have declared Priests and Jesuits dangerous to the government, and yet they shall not suffer death, &c. He fears not the danger of this bill, in this king's time, but, hereafter, one inclinable to Popery will not execute the Priests and Jesuits. This bill is a bare toleration of Popery, and he would throw it out.‡

"This bill, with a most plausible title, had a most pernicious tendency. It had an easy and undisputed passage through the house of lords, but from the commons it met with very different treatment." Ralph.

The Bill for educating the children of the Royal Family, &c. See p. 853.

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Mr. Garroway is glad to see, that the zeal of the house will embrace nothing of this nature. We may, by it, see the influence of the Popish lords in their house. He rises to second the motion.

Mr. Williams desires that the question upon the bill may not be put suddenly. He would see any gentleman, that will speak for the bill.

Lord Obrien desires that something of the bill may be retained, which is the title of the bill only: something, as a mark, that you throw not out barely a Bill of Popery.'

Sir Tho. Meres. If you throw out this bill, then read your own Bill of Popery: would observe, two years, and above, to pass most things in this bill. Your bill is firm, and strong, and good. These in the lords bill are slight, and good for nothing to destroy all your laws against Popery, in one bill! Whatever is good in this bill, is in yours; and this is to choak all you did good in that. Posterity will be fully satisfied of it.

:

Mr. Sec. Coventry would not, by too quick a severity, lay aside this bill. To throw this bill out, and immediately to send up your own to the lords, is not the way to have it pass; the Popish lords sitting in that house. He hopes that, in time, so great jealousies may pass over; but it is a great encouragement to the Catholics, for such a body to stand by them, and the king of France's provocation; therefore would not throw the bill out.

Sir Tho. Lee has reason to believe, that our sharp bill against Popery will be rejected by the lords, because we have rejected theirs of Toleration. Lord Clarendon's bill of ba nishment passed in two or three days, and yet was laid by, as this is moved to be. He fears that this may have the same fate, and would throw it out.

Sir John Mallet hopes gentlemen will not wonder, if his zeal against this bill be not equal to others, in throwing it out. This bill has a disarming the Recusants in it. He likes the clause of educating their children; but, as for repealing the Statute of Mortmain, he likes not that.

Sir Harbottle Grimstone. On the bill from the lords for establishing of Protestant Ministers in England, lately sent us down, when he differed from the lords judgment, he suspected his own. He believes gentlemen design mending this bill, to attain the end; but when it comes back, it will prove an unsavoury thing, stuck with a primrose. He would lay it aside. We are told of the danger that we may pass it in a thin house, as we did the Sale of the Fee-farm Rents.'" It is not possible to be imagined, that a bill of this nature could come from the lords, to repeal all the laws against Popery. If our laws were executed, there

would not have been this growth of Popery; | and he fears the danger will be greater. As for breeding the children of Papists,' we have laws in force for that; they ought not to have the education of them; that is already provided for. He wishes a law would be sent us from the lords, that the good laws we have already may be put in execution. Is this the way to prevent Popery? We may as soon make a good fan out of a pig's tail, as a good bill out of this.

Sir John Hanmer. Our David against this Goliath; our bill against the lords bill. Ours will go up to the lords triumphant in throwing out this, and warm your party in the lords house.

Sir Wm. Coventry will only say this one little thing, that the readiness of the house of commons to throw a bill out, without debate, not usual this bill being, seemingly, only to feel our pulse for a Toleration. He is not afraid of the success of our bill with the lords. When the nation sees the zeal of this house against Popery, it will put courage into magistrates, to put the laws in execution. Would nor give it the countenance of a debate but throw it out.

Mr. Sacheverell would have something on our books, not only of the title of the Bill, but something that it meant a Toleration of Popery.

Sir Wm. Coventry. The bill has so good a title, that it would be a reflection upon us to cast it out, upon our books: but he would cause some entry to be made, That finding, | upon reading the bill, that it repealed many laws against Popery, we have thrown it out." The Speaker proposes this to be upon your books, viz. That a bill coming from the lords, so entitled, was rejected at the first reading.' That is the ordinary way of entry. But if you please to let it be thus, viz. The house, upon reading and opening the bill, sent from the lords, entitled, &c. finding it much otherwise, have rejected it.'

Mr. Waller. If we enter it so, this will teach the lords to make notes upon our bills. If we do this, it will remain upon record. Would have you content yourselves with a nem. con. in throwing out the bill, and bave it so entered.

Sir John Trevor. When we send such a bill up to the lords, he would have the lords do so by us.

Resolved, "That the Entry be made as the Speaker proposed, viz. Upon reading the said bill, and opening the substance thereof to the house, it appeared to be much different from the title; and thereupon the house, nem. con. rejected the same.*-The house then read, the

"It was rejected, with this censure added in the Journal; Because the body of the Bill was contrary to the Title.' A method of proceeding so totally different from the stated rules of intercourse between the two houses, that nothing but the crimes of the bill could have rendered it excusable." Ralph.

matter.

Mr. Stockdale. To sit after Easter to ripen things;' that is, in plain English, to grant Money.

Mr. Stanhope. It is not possible that any reasonable time can dispatch the bills depending before us; and the king may suffer, by the Commissioners not putting the act for the Tas in execution, by their stay here, and 300 of us being reduced to 140. It is not parliamentary, nor safe, to sit with so few; and he would move the king for a recess for some longer time.

Mr. Sec. Williamson knows not whether he did express himself clear enough. He said,

The king intended a recess by adjournment;' and though the king means not so as to sit til Oct. yet, by short adjournments, to meet as occasion should require.

Mr. Powle cannot concur with the motion, to meet again after Easter. The session already has been a great labour to us, and our occasions require our presence; and he desires to have no other meeting, for few will attend it, being gone into the country. On the other side, this Message from the king respects our Address, concerning the French king's Greatness. If the king has entered into Alliances, and if he declared them, he would assist the king to support them. As for the other bills, they may keep till Oct. by adjournment. His would not have the house make an Address to the king, as if we affect sitting. But he be lieves, if there be occasion for us to meet, men will be ready to come up, upon reasonable

summons.

Col. Birch cannot make the Messages agree with one another. He remembers our Address; and, to be clear, would have this Message, by word of mouth by the secretary, entered, with that on paper, into our books, as an explanation of it. Adjournment must be with a house; and the Message says, we are to do no business. If it be cleared, that no business is to be done, then we may sit more quietly at home.

Sir John Ernly. There was not an apprehension of the loss of Flanders, till this repulse❘ of the prince of Orange at the battle of Montcassel. Reparation now will not be seasonably asked. The king has neither stores, nor money, nor ships: 20 or 30 privateers may easily burn all our ships, and master the Channel.

Mr. Sec. Coventry. The Message does not speak to press you to any thing; but it lays before you the king's condition, and that he will take his measures according to the proportion that you will help him. Your Address is, That you will stand by him in such Alliances as he shall make, &c.' But what if the king make alliances with one hand, and offend with the other, and be not provided with defence! a man would have his servant go a journey, but will not have him engage in it, till he be provided with boots and horses, &c. Make what use of it you please.`

Sir Edm. Jennings would request from the king an adjournment, for some short time, to perfect the bills depending; that the world may not say, we have passed the Money-Bills, and no more. He would have something entered on the Journal, that there may be nothing reflecting upon us, as passing Money-Bills, and

no more.

Mr. Hopkins. Are we assured that that servant whom Coventry spoke of would go that journey, when he has boots and horse provided him?

Mr. Sec. Coventry. Would it be wisdom in the king to tell you what journey he would go, or that he would go a journey, without being provided for it?

Mr. Boscawen would not have us address the king to meet soon again, upon account of the bills. It seems, it is not a fit time, or place, to tell you if any thing be done, as to your Address, here. If the king intends to give an Answer to the Address, then we may meet, but not as to the Bills; and he would address the king accordingly.

Sir Philip Warwick. It is the king's great wisdom, that he gives you no more light, in his Answer to your Address. It looks like a night-piece, under that shade which is fitting for it. If we will give no Supplies, till the king

VOL. IV.

Sir Henry Capel. When the king sends us word that there is an Alteration of affairs,' he would take some notice of it in our books, with some Resolution upon it. He would pass a vote, That, because the king is convinced, by the defeat of the prince of Orange, that he should make Alliances, &c.' And therefore this Vote is pursuant to our former Addresses.

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Sir Henry Ford knows not what farther security we can give the king, in this case, than we have done. Ile would address, That we humbly accept of the king's intimation of a short Adjournment.' For our preservation, if our house was on fire, we would give some, to save all.

Sir John Hotham knows it his duty never to suspect the king; but has reason to suspect elsewhere. The Address before was, That we hold ourselves obliged in prosecuting such Alliances, &c. to assist the king.' If gentlemen would speak clear out, neither his estate nor person should be spared, whilst he has a drop of blood, or a penny in his purse, to support them.

Mr. Scc. Coventry. The king doubts not the constancy of this house. The king of Spain has good Alliances. The Hollander is firm to him, and he has great engagements. Valenciennes and St. Ömers are taken, and were not provided for, and yet no failing in the Alliances. You will come too late, 'with lives and fortunes,' if you engage the king in a war, before he be provided for it. The thing is, let us consider, whether we be safe at home, before we go abroad: that we be provided with stores and necessaries.

Sir Wm. Coventry. The matter is, the king seems to think that affairs are so altered abroad, that it is necessary we should be stricter in the matter we desired of him. He seems to intimate, that he is not in a condition to do what we desire of him, and expects something from us, according to our promise, in the Addresses, to aid and assist him. Now the question is, How far we should go forwarder? If we were not at the end of a session, he would never stick at it. But moving for a tax, now gentlemen are gone down, and after an intimation from the king, that we should rise suddenly,' there is so much consequence in such a surprize, that he will never move you to it. We hear abroad, with both ears, of the prince of Orange's ill success; but he hopes your Address has heartened the confederates; and, the king complying, he would be loth the thing should fall flat in our hands. He would be loth the French counsellors should say to the king, They that advised you, shrink and slacken their hands.' He would not therefore strengthen those French counsellors-Would not be thought so pusillanimous a nation, that, when, three weeks ago, we addressed the king, on this success of the French,, we should shrink 3 К

from it. The more the danger is, it is ten times more necessary that you should do something; and it is never too late, till all be gone. He is raw and imperfect in what to move; but wishes, from his soul, this Message had been sent 3 days ago. You have given the king Money for 30 Ships, and that cannot be laid out for that purpose under 3 years. He hears it talked of, that Oct. may be soon enough to meet again.' But the day before to-morrow is not soon enough. You are in danger of being lost before Oct. If it concur with the rules of the house, he would make no scruple to move, That the king may have power to make use of some part of that Money, with our promise to reimburse it again, upon this occasion.' The king seems to be willing we should sit after Easter, that we may be witnesses, in a short time, how far he has gone in our Addresses; and hopes he meant to ripen that matter, that you may be witnesses he has done his utmost. He desires we may adjourn before Easter, with this reservation, That, if the king see cause sooner than Oct. he may call us by proclamation, at 20 days notice, to give him farther aid.' A little of that already given may help him and the confederates. A little money may go a great way: but he will not go farther than 200,000l.

Sir Tho. Lee. As for the motion of 200,000l. it is not possible to be done; for you nrust have a prorogation for altering the day in the Tax-bill; as it may be of dangerous consequence for the lords to do it. The king may destroy your Adjournment by proclamation.

He

informed there must be a special act of parliament for doing it, viz. for calling that parliament in the interval of adjournment.

Sir Eliab Harvey. Is our Fleet, that we have given money to let out, and the Excise, a secret to the king of France? And is not that making war? Can the Fleet go incognito? He would have nothing said of secrecy. If occasion be, we may meet particularly on that account.

and none else.

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Sir Tho. Lee. It is said, We should meet after Easter, in relation to Public Bills;' but he is against it, unless, withal, the Money-Bills may lie on the table. He speaks against the offer of any Public Bills whatever. We are embarrassed in foreign business, and all for want of confidence, lest the money should be for some ill intent, and not have the direct fruit of it. If, on the other hand, we show coldness or tergiversation in the house, it is the ruin of us all. He is in suspense what to do, and how. He could have wished the paper from the king had been sent sooner. He shall, for the present, move, to consider the thing farther to-morrow morning.' The Paper has been considered, and well weighed, by the king's council; he would do so too here; and hopes we shall do like Englishmen.-The farther debate was adjourned till to-morrow.

April 12. After having resumed the adjourned debate on the king's Message, it was resolved, "That a Clause be added to the Bill

for continuing the additional Duty of Excise, to enable his majesty to borrow 200,000l. at 7 per cent.

Resolved also, "That the Thanks of this house be presented to his majesty, for laying before them his majesty's sense of the posture of affairs abroad; and to let his majesty know, that, in order to his majesty's Preparations, in pursuance of the Address of this house, for the Safety of the Kingdom, they have provided a security of 200,000l. And that whatsoever of that sum shall be expended accordingly, shall be by them reimbursed: and whensoever the posture of his majesty's affairs shall require their attendance in parliament, they will be ready to aid and assist him, as the nature of his majesty's Affairs shall require." And a Committee was appointed to draw up an Address, pursuant to the said Vote."

The Commons' further Address respecting Alliances.] April 13. Sir John Trevor reported the Address, which was read, and agreed to by the house, and is as follows:

"May it please your most excellent majesty; We, your majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the commons in this present parliament assembled, do, with great satisfaction of mind, observe the regard your majesty is pleased to express to our former Addresses, by intimating to us the late Alteration in Affairs abroad; and do return our most humble Thanks for your majesty's gracious offer made to us thereupon, in your last Message. And having taken a serious deliberation of the same, and of the Preparations your majesty hath therein intimated to us, were fitting to be made, in order to these public ends, we have, for the present, provided a security in a Bill for an additional Duty of Excise, upon which your majesty may raise the sum of 200,0001. And if your maj. shall think fit to call us together again, for this purpose, in some short time after Easter, by any public signification of your majesty's pleasure commanding our attendance, we shall, at our next meeting, not only be ready to reimburse your majesty what suins of money shall be expended upon such extraordinary Prepa rations, as shall be made in pursuance of our former Addresses; but shall likewise, with most chearful hearts, proceed both then, and at all other times, to furnish your maj. with so large proportions of Assistances and Supplies, upon this occasion, as may give your majesty, and the whole world, an ample testimony of our loyalty and affection to your majesty's ser vice; and may enable your majesty, by the help of Almighty God, to maintain such stricter Alliances, as you shall have entered into, against all opposition whatsoever."

The King's Answer.] April 16. Mr. Sec. Williamson delivered the following Message from his majesty:

"C. R. His majesty, having considered the Answer of this house to his last Message, about enabling him to make fitting Preparations for the security of these kingdoms, finds by it, That they have only enabled him to borrow