General did perceive, that though they had strained themselves to the utmost, and exceeded all the proportions which by their Treaty they were bound to furnish, yet the Spaniards failed them in every point, not only in the Sub-please. And therefore it will import us so to sidies they were obliged to pay, but in the very strength and forces they stood engaged to set out; insomuch that all their towns and garrisons were so far from being in any tolerable posture to receive an enemy, that they remained as perfectly defenceless as if they were intended to be abandoned; the States resolved to seek all the occasions they could of coming out of the war and to lay hold on the first that sbould offer itself. To this end, they did all the last year solicit his maj. to endeavour a peace; and they would then have taken such a peace as now they seek. But his maj. thought he had done great service to the Christian world, when he had gained two points upon them; first, to model and concert with him the Terms and Articles of a better peace; and then, in prospect of that peace (and wit..out which it could never have been gained), to enter into a League Offensive and Defensive with his majesty, to obtain that peace by force, if it could not be had otherwise.And while things stood upon this foot, and some preparations were making towards it, there was no small hopes of putting a considerable stop to the Growth of the Power of France. For though the Dutch were still inclined to accept of peace, and were hearkening after the French Propositions at Nimeguen; yet such were his majesty's resolutions to hold them to their league, and so constant were all his refusals to hearken to such a peace, or to have any part in it, that they must of necessity at last have been obliged to continue in the war some way or other.—But when once it was heard abroad, that this league, which was the only thing by which his majesty could oblige the States, had been so ill understood at home, as to meet with some very unfitting and very undeserved reflections; as soon as it had taken air, and they understood that there was a resolution to give no money until satisfaction given in matters of religion, which in all countries are the longest debates that can be entered upon, and at this time above all others should least have been stirred; and when at last the king had received an address which they took to be of such a nature as was never seen or heard of before in any state or kingdom in the world, and had proceeded so far as to express his resentment of it:-Then they concluded with themselves, that it was in vain to rely any longer upon England, for England was no longer itself: then all sides began to wish for peace, even Spain as well as Holland; and if the cessation which is endeavoured to be made in order to it take effect, as in all likelihood it will, we may conclude that the peace will soon follow.-The influence such a peace will have upon our affairs is fitter for meditation than discourse; only this is evident, that, by the preparations

we have made for war, and the prohibitions we have made of trade, we have given no small provocations to a mighty king, who may be at leisure enough to resent them if he strengthen ourselves, both at home and abroad, that it may not be found a cheap or easy thing to put an affront upon us.-The first step in order to this is, to preserve a state of peace and unity at home, which is now more necessary than ever: he that foments divisions now, does more mischief to his country than a foreign enemy can do, and disarms it in a time when all the hands and all the bearts we have are but enough to defend us —No fears of arbitrary government can justify, no zeal to religion can sanctify, such a proceeding.-It bath been so stale a project to undermine the government, by accusing it of endeavouring to introduce popery and tyranny, that a man would wonder to see it taken up again.-Have we forgotten that religion and liberty were never truly lost, till they were made a handle and pretence for sedition? Are we so ill historians as not to remember when prelacy was called popery, and monarchy tyranny; when the property of nobility and gentry was held to be destructive of liberty; and that it was a dangerous thing for men to have any sense of their duty and allegiance? Do we know all this, and suffer men without doors to hope by our divisions to arrive at the same times again? Can we endure to see men break the act of oblivion every day, by reviving the memory of forgotten crimes in new practices?-If fears and jealousies can ever become wise and good men, it is only then when there is danger of a relapse. No caution can be too great against the returns of that fatal distemper from which we have been so lately recovered, especially when some symptoms of it begin again to ap pear in printed libels, and in several parts of the nation.-It might perhaps be worth our while to consider, whether we do not bring some kind of scandal upon the Protestant religion, when we seem so far to distrust the truth and power of it; that, after so many laws that have been passed to guard it, after all the miraculous deliverances from the attempts which have been made against it, we should still be afraid of its continuance.—It is, no doubt, a duty which we owe to God and to ourselves, to the present age, and to posterity, to improve the opportunities God gives us of fencing our vineyard, and making the bedge about it as strong as we can. And the king hath commanded me to tell you, that he is ready to concur with us in any thing of this kind, which shall be found wanting, and which the Christian prudence and justice of a parliament can propose as expedient.-But why then do we suffer those abroad to complain of the dangers of religion, who complain only for complaining sake? Hath not the late act made it impossible,absolutely impossible, for the most concealed Papist that is, to get into any kind of employment? Aud did ever any law, since

of the government itself.-It takes away the king's negative voice in a manner, and forces him to take all or none, when sometimes one part of the bill may be as dangerous for the kingdom as the other is necessary.-It takes away the negative voice of the house of peers too by the same consequence; and disinherits the lords of that honour they were born to, the liberty of debating and judging what is good for the kingdom.-It looks like a kind of defamation of the government, and seems to suppose the king and house of lords to be so ill affected to the public, that a good bill cannot carry itself through by the strength of its own reason and justice, unless it be helped forward by being tacked to another bill that will be favoured.-It does at last give up the greatest share of legislature to the commons, and by consequences the chief power of judg ing what laws are best for the kingdom.---And yet it is a privilege that may be made use of against the commons, as well as by them; for, if this method hold, what can binder the lords at one time or other from taking advantage of a bill very grateful to the commons, and much desired by them, to tack a new clause to it; of some foreign matter, which shall not be altogether so grateful, nor so much desired; and then the commons must take all or none too.

at last; and one chief end of calling parliaments, the making of good laws, shall be wholly frustrated and disappointed; and all this by departing from that method which the wisdom of our ancestors prescribed on purpose to pre

the reformation, give us so great a security as this? As little cause there is to be jealous of our liberties and properties; nor do they believe themselves, who pretend to be afraid of either. Can there be a greater evidence of the moderation of a prince, and his tenderness of the subjects, than to suffer, as he does every day, so much licentious and malicious talk to pass unpunished. If there be not one instance to be found in a whoe reign of a man that hath suffered against law, and but very few examples of those that have suffered by it, shall we endure them that dare say, in coffeehouses, and in other public places, that the nation is enslaved ?-Let it be lawful to provoke and challenge the most discontented and the most unsatisfied spirit in the kingdom, to shew that time, if he can, since the world be gan, and this nation was first inhabited, wherein there were fewer grievances, or less cause of complaint, than there is at this present; nay, give him scope enough, and let him search all ages, and all places of the world, and tell us, if he can, when and where was ever found a happier people than we are at this day. And if malice itself ought to blush when it makes this comparison, what strange ingratitude both to God and man are they guilty of, who behave themselves so, as if they could be ill at case under so temperate a government?--Thus every good bill shall be dearly bought My Lords and Gentlemen; The king will not suffer himself to believe it possible that you should ever forsake him, when any difficulties or distresses are near him; and therefore he doth with great assurance expect your care to preserve him in the affections of his people, as vent and exclude such inconveniencies. These well as your concurrence to his present Sup- innovations the king resolves to abolish; and plies.-The forces which have been raised, and bath commanded me to say to you, State the ships which have been set out by your ad- super vias antiquas.-My Lords and Gentlevice, have been at a vast charge; and yet it tlemen; There never did, there never can will be no small expence to disband them again, so much depend upon the happy success again, and to pay them till they be disbanded. of any one meeting, as there does upon this.--That two hundred thousand pounds which If this session do not repair the misfortunes, was borrowed at your request remains as a and amend the faults of the last, it will look debt upon the king, unless you acquit your like a fatality upon the nation. If we do not selves of the obligation which lies upon you to now strengthen the hands of the government, pay it. That branch of the revenue which ex- and shame the enemies of it, by banishing all pires next month will leave the crown in great manner of distrust, we shall be in danger to want, if it be not continued; and yet the con- become, not only the most miserable, but the timmance of it will not prove so considerable a most unpitied nation under Heaveu.-Let not support as it ought to be; for the Poll Bill the whispers, or evil surmises, of those who hath extinguished the duty upon French wines, lie in wait to deceive, make any man the unand all other customs arising upon trade with happy occasion of endangering the safety of France; and it is worthy of the care of a par- the government, by mistrusting it. He whose liament, to make this up some other way, that house is destroyed by fire, would find but litso his majesty may see and know that nothing the consolation in saying the fire did not begin can be lost by trusting his parliament.-But by his means; but it will be matter of perpethe king hath so far expressed himself this day, tual anguish and vexation of heart to rememthat it is evident the manner of your proceed-ber, that it was in his power to have extin ings is to him as considerable as the matter; and that he will not accept a good bill, how valuable soever it may be, unless it come to him in the old and decent method of parliaments.-The late way of tacking together several independent and incoherent matters in one bill, seems to alter the whole frame and constitution of parliaments, and consequently

guished it. Let the world now see, that your zeal to preserve the government is the same it was when you were ready to die for its restoration; and know, it is an act as meritorious, and an act of as great duty and loyalty to stand between the king, and all those practices of libelers which tend to create a inisunderstanding between him and his parliament, as

it is to fight for him in a day of battle. Em-solved, "That it is the opinion of this house, bellish the history of this parliament, by shew- that all the Forces that have been raised since ing us the healing virtue of this session. So the 29th of Sep. last, except those which have shall your service be acceptable to the king, been sent to the Plantations, be forthwith paid who never forgets any thing but injuries; so off and disbanded." shall you recommend yourselves to posterity, by transmitting to them the same peace and happiness you are trusted with. And the God of peace and unity prosper all your consultations to the honour and happiness of the king, and the joy and comfort of all his good subjects."

Vote for an Address to the King to declare War against France.] May 25. A motion was made for an address to the king, to know whether we shall have Peace, or War. After 'a long debate, a motion was made, to adjourn ; which was carried in the affirmative, Yeas, 195. Noes, 176.

May 27. The commons agreed to the following Vote, which was sent to the king by the members of the privy council; "Resolved, That this house, taking into consideration the state of his majesty's affairs, and the great charge and burden that his majesty and the nation lies under by the Army now in being, are humbly of opinion, that if his majesty pleases to enter into a War against the French king, this house is, and always will be, ready to support and assist him in that war: but if otherwise, then they will proceed to the cousideration of providing for the speedy disbanding of the Army."

The King's Answer.] May 28. Mr. Sec. Coventry delivered to the house the king's Answer to yesterday's Vote, as follows:

Debate on an Affidavit annexed to an Elec tion Petition from Aldborough.] Sir Tho. Littleton. I have a Petition concerning Aldborough. There is annexed to it an Affidavit, which is rather a work of supererogation, but what will not vitiate the Petition.

Sir Rd. Temple. We are not to receive Affidavits here. I would have it struck out.

The Speaker. If the Affidavit be fixed to the Petition, if you receive the Affidavit you receive the Petition.

Sir John Talbot. If a member can aver, that he knows the hands that have subscribed the Petition, or if any without doors will aver it, you may receive the Petition. But you cannot receive an Affidavit of the subscription of the Petition.

Sir Tho, Littleton. I know the hands very well.

Sir Tho. Meres. Sir Wm. Wentworth undertakes that Mr. Wentworth will prosecute the Petition, and I would have the Petition read, but not the Affidavit.

Sir Wm. Coventry. The matter of the Peti tion becomes already very burthensome to the corporation. The other day a petition was delivered, and it was a question whether it was not signed all by one man's hand; now here is an Affidavit of the subscriptions sent with the petition, by the mistaken zeal of the gentleman. If we are not impowered to receive Affidavits here, it is no affidavit, and you may receive it. If they lapse any more time in their petition, they may be nonsuited again, as they have been twice already, and so their business is done for this parliament. I would therefore bave the clerk read the Petition, and connive at the Affidavit.

The Speaker. If you will put the sitting member (sir John Reresby) to these unnecessary disturbances, and admit every irre gularity, &c.

"C. R. His majesty having perused the Vote of this house of the 27th hath thought fit to return this Answer; That the most Christian king hath made such offers for a Cessation, till the 27th of July, as his majesty does not only believe will be accepted, but does also verily believe will end in a general peace: yet since that is not certain, his maj. does by no means think it prudent to dismiss either fleet or army before that time; nor does he think it can add much to the charge; because the raising the money, and paying them off, would Sir Tho. Lee. I would publish rules, that all take as long a time as that, although the spee-persons must come from all parts of England diest disbanding that is possible were intended. to avow Petitions, and so weary men out, that That, in the mean time, his majesty desires the mayors and bailiffs will chuse you all the that some Supply may be provided for their parliament-men. The case of sir James Langsubsistance; that as hitherto they have been ham, for Northampton. He was first chosen the most orderly Army that ever were together, by the commonalty, and secondly by the mayor they may be encouraged to continue so. That and aldermen, and thirdly by both, and yet there is another thing which presses his maj. he missed it at last. There was something of with very great inconveniences in his domestic a communion-table in the case. affairs; which is the want of the 200,000l. you promised to repay him at your next meeting after and which does affect that whole branch of his revenue, by having a fifth part taken out of every payment, which should be applied to the necessary uses of his houshold: he does therefore desire you will immediately apply yourselves to the repayment of that money to him."

On the receipt of this Message the house re

Mr. Powle. Whilst we are gratifying a par ticular gentleman, let us not lose an essential privilege; that whenever a member avers the Petition, you never refuse it. Sir Wm. Wentworth tells you, he knows the hands, and un

*This was a Petition of several of the burghers, setting forth, "That sir John Reresby had procured himself to be returned for that borough, though he was not duly elected.”

The question being put, That the Petition be read, it passed in the affirmative, 139 to 115, and the Clerk was ordered to blot out the Affidavit. The Petition was referred to the committee of privileges.

May 31. Resolved, "That a Supply be granted to the king towards the paying and disbanding of all the Forces raised since the 29th of Sept. last."

A Supply given to disband the Army by a certain Day. June 4. The commons voted 200,000l. to be raised by a monthly tax, in six months, after the Land-tax, then in being, should be expired; with an appropriating clause, that this should be for disbanding the Army by the end of the present June: they also voted 200,000l. towards defraying the Expences of the Fleet; and seemed inclinable to throw in such another sum for the king's extraordinary occasions.

A Message from the King to prolong that term.] June 7. His majesty sent them another Message, signifying "That his mind was still the same with what he delivered in his Speech the 23d of May last, viz. That the Army and Fleet ought to be kept up till the expected peace be concluded: and he further recommended to their consideration, whether it were not dishonourable for him to recall his Forces in Flanders, from those towns which

anay be the case of any member. There needs nothing more to convict a Popish Recusant than not being at his parish church, &c. for the space of a month, without reasonable excuse, when perhaps he goes to another church elsewhere. Therefore pray be very

tender in this.

Sir John Trevor. The matter has been depending these nine months, and how easily might Swale have reconciled himself in that time! Pray give not countenance to a papist to sit in the house.

The Officers of the Exchequer were ordered to attend on Monday next, with the Record of Conviction.

The question being put, "That there remains an obligation upon this house to repay his majesty the 200,000l. charged on the credit of the Act for additional Excise," it passed in the affirmative, 177 to 162.

Debate on a Stunding Army.] June 11. The house, according to order, took into consideration his majesty's Message.

Mr. Sec. Coventry. The Speaker ought to have read the king's Message, and not the clerk.

Sir Wm. Coventry. I have observed, that the king's Message, always, at the first reading, is read by the Speaker, but if read again, by the clerk. The Speaker reads it the first time, and we are all uncovered; the clerk the second time, and we are all covered.

Mr. Scc. Williamson. The question is, Whether you will go into a committee with instructions relating to the Bill, or Whether you will go upon the Message, in the house? The parting with your Forces before the peace be beyond doubt or certainty of the possibility of a war, may be of ill consequence. I will beg leave to acquaint you with one thing that happened. On Sunday they had a new Memorial of the danger of the Confederates disbanding. Now whether you will proceed in the house, or by way of instruction to the committee, along with the Bili, is to be considered.

Mr. Sec. Coventry. In this interim, the Confederates have time to come in and accept of the peace. It may prove a dead child; it may be abortive; it is a thing that depends upon other men; a little time will tell you; 'but till then, I am not able to say any thing.

Mr. Powle. I see not, either from the state of affairs at home or abroad, that a Standing Army is a convenient thing for us, especially for home. We are told, we are in the state of mediators, indifferent between both parties; and neither to assist the king.' We hear of great jealousies the Dutch government has of us; and if so, they care not to see our Army on the other side of the water; and the Spaniards are jealous of us, as to France; and if we are in no condition to make war with the -French, and that we cannot, &c. I would willingly make peace with them. If they be not 'your friends, prevent them from being your enemies. These new Forces may engage us in new broils, and we shall have nobody to

assist us. As for giving advice in this case, I know not what to say, we having been so sharply reprimanded for it already. For my share of it, as to the protection of the king of Spain, remembering that when we advised the king about a French war, we were checked for it, therefore I move to answer the king's Message, that we leave it to him.' And if there may be any clause in the Bill, to continue the Forces in Flanders, that are there, I am not against it.

Mr. Sec. Williamson. It is not intended to keep those Forces up. But this is what we have been wishing and advising this year; and it is offered, for their sakes, to keep those men on foot only in Flanders, till a peace be settled. And their interest for so much is ours.

Mr. Garroway. If Holland and Spain have accepted of peace, then we are out of doors. They have taken care of themselves, and where is the dishonour, and where is the inconvenience, of recalling those Forces out of Flanders? If the peace be a good peace, why do not we come into it? If bad, why do we not protest against it? It is a strange intricate thing, that such and such a thing may happen, therefore we must keep up an Army. If you recall them out of Flanders, they and these here may be disbanded. The cessation of arms tnay be for three years. I would know whether we are under an obligation to keep the Army up for three years. I see nothing new before us, therefore, according to the first advice, you may very well go on with the Bl for disbanding the Army.

Col. Birch. Keep up the Army for fear of the king of France, and keep it up for ever. To my capacity, we are still in the same darkness as when we first raised this Army. If we had more clearness and plainness, the thing would succeed much better. It is pressed to know on which side we fall, and where is our benefit, by the peace? To which I hear not one word of answer. What do we get? What is our advantage? The cui bono? I doubt not, the honourable persons, if they please, could tell you. Shall we hire merchant ships and fire-ships for nothing? The war was intended against France, but, instead of that, this is to make war against ourselves, by the great charge. It cannot be thought that this is undertaken for Sweden, &c. Every man knows these great ships must do something be fore the 10th of Aug. for it is not safe to keep them longer out. If it be for our fears of France, &c. that will never be at an end, and those fears will be hotter and hotter upon as, and the king of France cannot disband his army. He must keep his people in order. Either we have assurance with the Confede rates, or with France. Having no more light

*It may not be amiss to observe here, that navigation is now so much improved, that the largest ships (larger than any that were built in those days) are able to keep the sea all the winter.