Bill.-By Mr. J. OSWALD, from Glasgow, against the Royal Burgh (Scotland) Bill.-By Mr. BENETT, Mr. Viscount SANDON, Mr. E. PETRE, Mr. HARDY, Mr. DUNDAS, Mr. HOULDSWORTH, Mr. GLADSTONE, Lord STAUNTON, Colonel WOOD, Mr. BISH, Mr. MORE O'FER ORMELIE, Sir JOHN OWEN, Mr. H. BURTON, Mr. BAR NARD, Mr. GUEST, Mr. PLUMPTRE, Mr. ROEBUCK, Mr. SHAW LEFEVRE, Mr. WILLIAMS, Mr. T. B. THOMPSON, O'CONNELL, Lord CHARLES RUSSELL, Mr. WEDGWOOD, WOOD, Sir FRANCIS VINCENT, Mr. WALTER, Lord and Mr. STANLEY, from a very great Number of Places, -against Slavery. MINISTERIAL PROPOSITION FOR THE EMANCIPATION OF SLAVES.] The Order of the Day for the House to resolve itself into a Committee to consider the subject of Slavery having been read, the House resolved itself on the Motion of Mr. Secretary Stanley, into a Committee. dered peculiarly difficult by the time, and from the circumstances under which it is introduced. Sir, I feel most anxious on account of the responsibility which devolves upon me. I feel not only, that our maritime commerce is here concerned--that 250,000 tons of British shipping are affected-not only that a revenue of 5,000,000l. is to be dealt with and legislated for ; but I feel, that if possible, higher interests are involved-that the interests, the comforts, the prosperity, perhaps I might say the very existence, of a large population in the West-India colonies depending upon us for support and protection, hang upon the decision of those Resolutions which it will be my duty to submit to the House. Nay, Sir, I cannot narrow the question even to this-I cannot deny to myself, that the happiness of the descendants of those for whom I now propose to legislate—that generations yet unborn are to be affected for good or for evil by the course which this House may think proper to adopt. Nor can I conceal from myself, or from this House, the immense influence on the population of foreign countries which must arise from Mr. Secretary Stanley rose, and spoke the result of the mighty experiment which nearly as follows:-Sir, I am confident we now propose to make. On that may when I state to the House, that if ever a depend the welfare of millions of men in a Minister of the Crown, in bringing forward state of slavery in colonies not belonging any measure on behalf of the Government to Great Britain. Besides all these things, to which he belonged-more especially there is enough to make any man-the affecting a question of such vital import strongest, the boldest, and the bestas this one which touches so directly shrink in some degree under the weight of and immediately the interests of many, so great a responsibility; for the question and, I may say, commands the attention is now in such a state, that deal with it as of all-I say, Sir, if ever a member of you will, you can only have a choice of this House, or Minister of the Crown, difficulties. Those difficulties, I assert, had a fair claim on the kindness and in- | are all but insurmountable. They leave dulgence of those about him, that claim I us only the choice of doing some good at can now honestly make, assured that what the least risk of effecting evil. We are I ask will not be refused; and the more called upon to legislate between two conconfident I am in advancing it, from the flicting parties-one deeply involved by circumstance which is well known to all, pecuniary interests-involved, moreover, of the very short period which has elapsed in difficulties of the most pressing characsince I have been called upon to act as ter-difficulties which are now present, the organ of Government in this situation, and are constantly increasing; the other and from my having, during that brief and deeply involved by their feelings and their limited period, to discharge the duties of opinions, representing a growing deteran office, one of the many of which is mination on the part of the people of this connected with this question of unparal-country to put an end to slavery, which leled importance-involving a greater amount of property-affecting the happiness and the well-being of a larger portion of individuals, than was ever before brought forward, and which to mature and bring successfully to a conclusion, is now ren no one can deny or wisely despise-a determination the more absolute, and the less resistible, because founded in sincere religious feelings, and in a solemn conviction that things wrong in principle cannot be good in practice; and that determination is expressed in a voice so 1792 (and then, with an apology for his potential, that no Minister can venture to plan having remained unmatured and undisregard it. The time is, indeed, gone by exhibited to the public for twelve years) when the question can be for a moment Mr. Burke, in his celebrated letter to Mr. entertained whether or not this system can Dundas, disclosed his plan for what he be made perpetual; the only point we called a Negro Code, and said that he can discuss the only point we shall dis- was convinced the true origin of the cuss is the safest, speediest, happiest way 'slave trade was not in the place it began in which to effect its final and entire at, but in the place of its final destination;' abolition. And let me say, that they who he then said, I was, therefore, and still characterize this as a mere ebullition of am of opinion, that the whole work popular feeling-as transient in its cha- ought to be taken up together, and that racter-as fleeting or unsubstantial-the the gradual abolition of slavery in the mere expression of yesterday-are but West-Indies should go hand in hand deceiving themselves; for it is not of late with any thing which is done to put a or of momentary birth, but springs from stop to the supply of negroes from the the deep-settled and long-entertained coast of Africa. Together with this convictions of reflecting men-from that letter, Mr. Burke inclosed his Negro same spirit of lasting humanity, which, Code, embracing regulations for trade, fifty years ago, pressed on the Parliament and containing provisions for putting an of that day; and which, in defiance of the end to the system of slavery in the colonies. arguments, that we should ruin our trade The preamble is so remarkable that he -in defiance of opposition from many would beg to trouble the House with it. quarters-compelled the Parliament to The preamble began by saying, whereas abolish for ever that iniquitous and dis- it is expedient, and conformable to the graceful trade by which supplies of human principles of the Christian religion, the flesh were obtained from the shores of dictates of morality, and the rules of Africa. If there are, Sir, any persons sound policy, that an end should be who can doubt that the authors of that put to all traffic in the persons of men, politic and humane and just abolition and to the detention of such persons in looked forward to the emancipation of the slavery, as soon as the same can be slaves as the consequence of abolishing effected without great inconveniences the Slave Trade, I would beg leave to from a sudden change of practices long refer them to the speeches of the most established; and during the continuance distinguished advocates of that humane of those practices, it is desirable to inmeasure. Sir, when we look back to the troduce some regulations to lessen the language of the great men who introduced inconveniences of such traffic and detenthat measure into Parliament, and who so tion in servitude, until both can gradually zealously laboured for the accomplishment be done away with,&c.'Mr. Fox and Mr. of that object, which they at length almost Wilberforce, in this House, and Lord achieved, leaving little for those to do Grenville, in the other House of Parliawho actually accomplished it, we find ment, in 1806 and 1807, while they that, although the two questions were distinctly declared, that the two questions carefully separated at the time, the gradual were separate, and that their object at abolition of slavery remained upon their that time was nothing more than the minds, and was distinguishable in the ex-abolition of the trade in slaves; yet in all pression of their feelings in the debates of they said, they evidently looked with that day, as necessarily and inseparably confidence to a period when that supply connected with that preliminary step of having ceased, slavery itself should be the abolition of the slave-trade. The abolished. Mr. Fox said, "that, the aboHouse will forgive me if I call its atten-lition of the slave-trade would lead to the tion to the remarkable expressions of no undistinguished man, who, in the language of Mr. Canning, attacked only the outworks of the great fortress, but who undoubtedly looked forward with a firm conviction, that the destruction of those outworks would cause the ultimate fall of the fortress itself. So long ago as the year abolition of slavery altogether in the West-Indies." Mr. Wilberforce said, that he wished for nothing then beyond the abolition of the slave-trade; but that when time and the concurrence of other Powers should render it practicable, he Hansard vol. vii. p. 603, ' did not hesitate to say, that slavery ought | sure, which the mother country eleven 'to cease to exist amongst the institutions years ago, declared to be so just and so ' of civilized nations.' Lord Grenville desired. But the voice of warning has observed, that in all history the progress been found to speak in vain-the tongue from slavery to liberty was effected by of honest and affectionate counsel has not the slaves becoming predial or attached been heeded. I will not deny, that if we to the land; because where they were look to the measures agreed upon by the rendered labourers rather than slaves, Colonial Legislatures since the period I they felt an interest in the prosperity of have alluded to, some improvements may their country; and he was sure, that to be found in points affecting the physical 'give the West-India slaves an interest in condition of the slaves; but I do assert the tranquillity and defence of those boldly, and without fear of contradiction islands would ensure their confidence, even from themselves, that nothing has 'loyalty, and attachment.' I trouble the been done of that nature, extent, or House with these extracts to prove that character, which may fairly be characterized the feeling which now pervades the coun- as a step towards the ultimate exterminatry is not of this day's growth; but that tion of the system. I therefore now call the people of this country have long con- on the House to take the matter at once sidered it expedient-have long held it a into its own hands. It is important to duty, on the ground of religion and of bear in mind, that without the co-operation justice, to advance any measure which of the Colonial Legislatures, acting on might tend to the early abolition of this what Mr. Burke emphatically called the disgraceful system. The nation have now "executory principle," it is idle to seek loudly, and for a length of time declared for the termination of the system of that the disgrace of slavery should not slavery, unless through the means of the be suffered to remain part of our national Home Legislature. The words of Mr. system. Parliament has, at various times, Burke were these ;-"I have seen," said though perhaps in mitigated terms, con- he, speaking in 1792, "what the Colonial firmed this principle; some times looking Legislatures have done (in reference to the to a more remote, and at others to a more improvement of the condition of the negro) immediate period, for the abolition of the-itis arrant trifling-they have done little, system. In 1823, when certain Resolutions were moved by the hon. member for Weymouth, Mr. Canning, in the name of the Government of that day, proposed an Amendment, and that Amendment forms a part, though no very large part, of the Resolutions to be proposed to the House this night. The Resolutions adopted on that occasion received the unanimous support of the House; and the House looked forward to the adoption, on the part of the colonists, of certain ameliorating measures which would, in time, put a final term to the system of slavery. It was the confident expectation of the House, that measures would be concerted by the Colonial Legislatures, which should carry into effect the wishes of Parliament. was thought, that the friendly warning of Parliament would be sufficient to induce the colonists to attend to its wishes. That warning, however-that admonitory voice has gone forth, and for years and years been, I am sorry to say, unheeded and disregarded by all the Colonial Legislatures; they have allowed it to be lost upon them they have done nothing to further and accomplish that great mea It and that little is good for nothing, because it does not carry with it the executory principle?" Now, Sir, it will be my duty to show and I will clearly show it, though at some hazard of tiring the House, that up to this day, every measure resolved upon by the Colonial Legislatures has been utterly destitute of this principle-utterly destitute of any thing like an executory provision-and destitute of any thing which might give to their enactments the remotest possibility of being calculated to work out the freedom of a single slave. In 1823, Lord Bathurst forwarded to those islands directly governed by this country certain directions, which pointed out several modifications desirable to be adopted as the ground-work for an altered state of society, They were intended,by a gradual alteration in the domestic habits of the slaves, to bring about the total abolition of slavery, and the conversion of the negroes into free labourers. The main principles were the abolition of Sunday labour and Sunday markets, constituting the sacredness of the marriage contract, the placing reIstrictions on the punishment of the slaves, the establishment of Savings Banks, and | such measures as would bring the "conother regulations calculated to prepare tumacious opposition" of the Colonial the slave for that station and the perform- Legislatures to the test;-on the contrary, ance of those duties and obligations which he begged for time-for "a respite," as civilized life imposes. The Resolutions he called it, to allow the colonies to reof 1823 were followed up by an Order in consider their refusal, and to call to mind Council in 1824, which provided for the the position in which they were placing establishment of a protector of slaves, themselves, with respect to this country, specified the right of the negroes to possess by their constant interposition between property under certain conditions, pro- the wishes of the Legislature here, and hibited Sunday labour, and gave a right the well-being of the population whose to the slave, under certain restrictions, to condition had become a matter of so much obtain his manumission, even against the interest at home; he, therefore, begged consent of his master. These Regulations for time, as a test of the sincerity of the were conveyed to the Crown Colonies by Colonial Legislatures, to carry the deteran Order in Council in 1824; they were minations of Parliament into effect; and, immediately put into operation in those to promote this end, he proposed that colonies, and remained in force until sub- certain drafts of Bills should be sent out sequently altered by another Order in to them for their adoption. Mr. Canning, Council in 1830. But how were these however, agreed with the hon. member salutary and humane provisions received for Weymouth, that when the respite which by the Colonial Legislatures in 1824? he proposed had expired, if the contumacy Without one single exception, they were of the colonies continued, it would then unanimously rejected by every colony be the duty of Parliament to take the having a legislative assembly of its own. matter out of the hands of their local Not one legislative colony but scornfully legislatures, and to deal with them in a rejected and disdainfully refused to obey more direct and a more authoritative manthe suggestions and determinations of ner. Mr. Canning had previously pointed Parliament and the mother-country. In out the course to be adopted. He said 1826, we find Mr. Canning using in this in 1824: There are three possible modes House language of the deepest regret-of in which Parliament might deal with the the deepest anxiety-and I will add, of people of Jamaica; first, as I have said, the deepest indignation-at the continued it might crush them by the application opposition that was offered by the colonies of direct force; secondly, it might hato the will of the Home Legislature. He rass them by fiscal regulations and stated what had been done by the Colonial enactments restraining their navigation ; Legislatures, in forwarding the recom- and, thirdly, it may pursue the slow and mendations of this House, up to the time 'silent course of temperate, but authorithat he was speaking; and then added-tative admonition. Now, Mr. Speaker, 'he did not state this as a satisfactory ' result of the measures proposed in 1823, and directed to be put in force by the 'Order in Council in 1824, far from it-he 'stated it, because the point that was then ' under discussion was, whether the time was yet come when the resistance of the 'colonies to the wishes of Parliament was 'to be considered as so contumacious as to 'make it necessary to adopt a different course with respect to them. The question, in fact was, how far the Parliament of England had the right to legislate for the colonies.' Mr. Canning, dissatisfied as he was with the result of the measures of 1823 and 1824, did not adopt a harsh tone-he did not call upon Parliament immediately to adopt * Hansard (new series) xiv. p. 977. if I am asked which course I would advise, I am for first trying that which I have last mentioned; I trust we shall never be driven to the second; and with respect to the first I will only now say, that no feeling of wounded pride, no motive of questionable expediency, nothing short of real and demonstratable 'necessity, shall induce me to moot the awful question of the transcendental power ' of Parliament over every dependency of the British Crown. That transcend'ental power is an arcanum of empire, 'which ought to be kept back within the penetralia of the Constitution. It exists, but it should be veiled. It should not be produced upon trifling occasions, or in cases of petty refractoriness and 'temporary misconduct. It should be 'brought forward only in the utmost ex 'tremity of the State, where other remedies | protectors of slaves, but we have put have failed to stay the raging of some the slaves under protection in reality as 'moral or political pestilence. In con- effectual and as advantageous." I must formity with these views, eight Bills were admit with regard to the observance of the sent to the Colonial Legislatures by the Sabbath and Sunday markets, that the authority of the Secretary of State. What Colonial Legislatures have shown greater has been the result? Not a single colony readiness to comply with the wishes of has condescended to adopt a single Bill Parliament than on any other point. They out of the whole eight; and the colonial are yet, however, far from having done Legislatures raised their voices in lofty in- what is necessary; but there is hardly a dignation at our interference in what they colony that has not done something todeclared to be their exclusive business and wards the establishment of Sunday markets concern. This took place in 1826: I am and the abolition of Sunday labour. As now addressing Parliament in 1833; and to punishments, it is impossible on the up to this hour the voice neither of friendly present occasion for me to go in detail expostulation nor of authority has pro- into the Colonial enactments, and into the duced the desired effect upon the Colonial deficiencies of those enactments; but if Legislatures-not a single step has been any Gentleman will take the trouble to taken by any of them with a view to the compare what has been done with what extinction of negro slavery. Undoubtedly has not been done, he will see how far the some of the colonies have been engaged Local Legislatures are behind the recomon plans or rather shadows and outlines mendations of the mother country as reof plans; but none of them have been spects domestic punishments. The Order founded in truth or justice, least of all on in Council directs that no more than a those recommendations forwarded from certain number of lashes shall be inflicted, the Government at home. But with re- that females shall not be flogged, that gard to any real effort to any substantial witnesses shall be present at the infliction, improvement-to that which could alone and that the dates, times, and circumlead to any substantial and positive im- stances, shall be sent to the protector of provement to the institution of an officer slaves, and by him sent to the Governor. as protector of the slaves-an officer ap- But if there were any sincere correspondpointed by the Crown-really and truly ing desire, what, in manliness and in their guardian and counsel-one inde-humanity, should be the first step, against pendent of the planters-of all local in- which no voice would be raised—that of fluence, and all local friendship-in no one the abolition of punishment of females. colony has such a thing been attempted But what will the Committee think of the -in no one colony, Sir, has this efficient readiness of the Colonial Legislatures (I protector been appointed. Undoubtedly speak, God knows, not in bitterness but there have been Councils of Protection-in sorrow), when I say, that up to this any two Magistrates might act as a Council of Protection. Means have been afforded of facilitating the acquisition of legal rights; but to whom have the trusts in such cases been delegated? To those who have an interest in suppressing slavery? No, but to those who are themselves the possessors of slaves, and who have an unequivocal interest in the existence of slavery, and who are involved in the feelings and prejudices of the Colonial Legislatures. It may be said, that this is compliance. So it is-but it is a species of compliance worse than a mockery. It gives the shadow, but lets slip the substance; and it is only done to afford a pretext for saying "You have no right to interfere: we have not exactly appointed * Hansard (new series) x, p. 1106. hour no one colony has abolished the practice of inflicting corporal punishment upon females. They have, indeed, in some degree, restrained it; but by restraining they recognize the principle: they have guarded against indecency, but they have not yet carried into effect that which in all the nations of the world has been the first step towards civilization— the raising the female sex from a state of degradation to that of equality and a sense of delicacy. Talk of preparing the slave for freedom! of ripening his moral faculties, to render him capable of enjoying it, and yet show him that all his dearest and domestic ties may be violated that his wife, his daughter, or his sister, may be subjected to corporal punishment at the pleasure of an overseer-it is a mockery and an insult! But there are limitations |