its utmost extent. It was not fyftematically declared, nor rigorously enforced by England-It was not zealously watched nor legally limited by the colonies. England derived increafed wealth and profperity from the growing greatnefs of América. America was protected by the ftrength of England, and felt pride in the participation of her liberty. In this happy ftate of mutual affection, neither party harboured fuch diftruft as to prompt them to take fecurity for the authority of one or the privileges of the other. All thofe doubtful and dangerous queftions which relate to the boundaries of power and freedom were forgotten, during this forrunate connexion between obedient liberty and protecting authority. The parla ment of Great Britain, content with that ftream of wealth which indirectly flowed into the Exchequer through the channels of American commerce, had hitherto either doubted their right to tax America, or wifely forborn to exercife that unprofitable and perilous right. The scheme of an American revenue had been fuggefted to Sir Robert Walpole, but that 'cautious and pacific minister declared, "that he would leave it to bolder men." -Men bolder, but not wifer, than Sir Robert were at length found to adopt it. The counfels which predominated at the beginning of the prefent reign were favourable to fuch plans. We do not affirm, because we do not believe, that any scheme was then deliberately formed for the deftruction of public liberty. But we must leave it to hiftory to determine whether meafures were not purfued which might lead to that refult. A fyftem o taxing America by the British parliament was avowed and acted upon. A stamp duty was impofed on all the colonies. Whether this fyftem arofe from the high principles of authority, for the first time adopted under a prince of the house of Brunfwick, or from a conviction of the jaftice of equally apportioning the burthens of the empire on all its members, or from a delire to tame the mutinous and republican fpirit of the American colonifts, or from one of thofe paltry intrigues and hafty caprices which fo often decide the fate of empires ;-are queftions which we have no certain, and (carce any probable, means of deciding.-Thofe who have most experience in political affairs are the most incredulous with respect to the generally received accounts of the caufes of great measures. But whatever may have been the causes of this unfortunate deviation from the found principles of our ancient American policy, the effects foon became manifeft. The old affectionate confidence of the colonifts was changed into hoftile distrust; instead of relying in the benevolence of a paternal government, they began to think of guarding themfelves against an enemy. The intercourse of jealous chicane fucceeded to that of generous friendship; metaphyfical difcuffions with respect to the limits and foundation of fupreme power, which feldom difturb the quiet of a happy and well governed people, were for the first time forced on the attention of the Americans by the indifcretion of their governors. It is the province of hiftory to defcribe the policy of the English government, its violence and its fluctuations, its impolitic encroachments and tardy conceffions; to ftate the principles of those parties into which the English public was divided on this fubject, the ministerial party who afferted the right and prudence of taxing America; the great body of the Oppofition, who, without difputing the right, denied the prudence of exercising it; and a few men of fpeculation, who questioned even the right itself. The general hiftorian will also relate the various circumftances which gradually made America almost unanimous in her refiftance to the claims of Great Britain. Thefe are topics too extensive and important for fuch a sketch as the prefent. Nothing, however, is more certain, than that the first views of the American leaders were merely defenfive; and that they were far advanced in the refittance before the idea of independence prefented itself to their minds. They did not feek feparation; it was obtruded on them by the irrefiftible force of circumstances. After they had appealed to arms, it was extremely obvious, that their power muft be tottering as long as they acknowledged the lawfulness of the power against whom they were armed; that the zeal of their partizans never could be vigorous till they had cut off all poffibility of retreat; and that no foreign ftate would be connected with them, as long as they themfelves confeffed, that they had neither the right nor the power to enter into a legiti mate and permanent alliance. All the paffions, which in violent times are almoft iure to banish moderate counfels, were at work in America. Thefe confequences always follow in the neceffary courfe of things, from the firft impulfe that throw a people into confufion; à most awful confideration for governments who provoke a nation to refiitance, and for demagogues who feduce them into rebellion. Moft certainly ertainly thefe confequences did not enter into the original plan of the American leaders. There are thefe who remember the horror expressed by Dr. Franklin, before he left England, at the bare mention of feparation: yet Franklin was, perhaps, of all the Americans, the man most likely to entertain such a project. Their leaders were in general men of great fobriety, caution, and practical good fenfe; zealous indeed for the maintenance of their ancient legal rights and privileges; but utterly untainted by that daring and fpeculative character which leads men to feek untried, and perilous paths in politics, for their own greatness or for fuppofed public benefit. The diforders in America had reached their height, and it became perfectly obvious, that the difpute between the two countries could only be decided by arms, when the reprefentatives of the thirteen provinces affembled at Philadelphia, on the 26th day of October, 1774. Of this famous affembly Mr. Washington was one; no American united in so high a degree as he did military experience, with refpectable character and great natural influence. He was therefore appointed to the command of the army which af fembled in the New England Provinces, to hold in check the British army under General Gage, then encamped at Bolton. If thefe circumftances had not called Washington forth, he would have lived happy, and died obfcure, as a refpectable country gentleman in Virginia: now the ftene opened which made his name im. mortal: fo dependent upon accident is human fame, and fo great is the power of circumftances in calling forth, and perhaps even in forming, the genius of men. In the month of July, 1775, General Washington took the command of the continental army before Bofton. To detail his conduct in the years which followed, would be to relate the hiftory of the American war: a most memorable and inftructive part of Britifh anuals, which has not yet been treated in a manner fuited to its importance and dignity. Within a very fhort period after the declaration of independence, the affairs of America were in a condition fo'defperate, that perhaps no thing but the peculiar character of Wafhington's genius could have retrieved them. On this occafion as well as throughout the whole public life of Washington, he refufed any compenfation for his fervices. He never received any falary in any office civil or military. Activity was the policy of invaders. In the field of battle the fuperiority of a difciplined army is difplayed. But delay was the wisdom of a country defended by undifciplined foldiers against an enemy who must be more exhaufted by time than he could be weakened by defeat. It required the confummate prudence, the calm wisdom, the inflexible firmness, the moderate and well balanced temper of Withington to embrace fuch a plan of policy, and to perfevere in it; to refift the temptations of enterprize; to fix the confidence of his foldiers without the attraction of victory; to fupport the fpirit of the army. and the people amidst thole flow and cautious plans of defenfive warfare which are more difpiriting than defeat itself; to contain his own ambition and the impetuofity of his troops; to endure temporary obfcurity for the salvation of his country, and for the attainment of folid and immortal® glory; and to fuffer even temporary reproach and obloquy, fupported by the approbation of his own confcience and the applause of that small number of wife men whofe praife is an earnest of the admiration and gratitude of pofterity. Victorious generals cafily acquire the confidence of their army. Theirs, however, is a confidence in the fortune of their general. That of Wallington's army was a confidence in his wisdom. Victory gives spirit to cowards, and even the agitations of defeat fometimes impart a courage of defpair. Courage is infpired by fuccefs, and it may be ftimulated to defperate exertion even by calamity, but it is generally palfied by inactivity-A fyftem of cautious defence is the feverest trial of human fortitude. By this teft the firmnels of Washington was tried. His intrepidity never could have maintained itself under such circumftances, if it had arifen from ambition or vain glory, from robuft nerves or diforderly enthuliatin. It food the test, because it grew out of the deep root of principle and duty. His mind was fo perfe&tly framed, that he did not need the vulgar incentives of fame and glory to roufe his genius. In him public virtue was a principle of fufficient force to excite the fame great exertions to which the rabble of heroes must be ftimulated by the love of power or of praife. It is hardly neceffury to say, that the courage which flowed from honefty, was tempered in its exercite by humanity. The character of Washington was not de-formed by any of thofe furious paffions which drive men to ferocity. His military life was unflained by military cruelty; and if we lamented the feverity of some of Y 2 his his acts, we never were at liberty to quef tion their juftice. It would be unjust to afcribe the mildness of the American war exclufively to the perfonal character of Washington.-It must be imputed in a great measure to the fobriety and moderation of the national temper. Never was a civil war so spotless as that which unhappily broke out between the two nations of the English race. Not a fingle maffacre, not a fingle affaffination, no flaughter in cold blood tarnished the glory of conqueft or aggravated the fhame of defeat. Gallantry and humanity characterized this contest between two nations who amidst all the fierceness of hoftility fhewed themfelves worthy of each other's friendship. We are well aware that the military critics of Europe, accustomed to the vast and fcientific plans, to the complicated yet exact movements, to the daring and fplendid exploits of great European generals, may confider the most decifive fuccefs in a war like the American as a very inadequate title to the name and glory of an illuftrious commander. We feel all the deference which upon every fubject is due from the ignorant to the mafters of the art. But we doubt the foundnefs of the judgment of military critics on this fubject. To us it feems probable that more genius and judgment are generally exerted by uneducated generals and among irregular armies, than in the contests of thofe commanders who are more perfectly instructed in military science. It is with the arts of war as with every other art. Wherever any art is most perfected, there is leaft room for the exertions of individual genius. Where most can be done by rule, leaft is left for talents. We accordingly find that thofe furprizes and fratagems which are fo brilliant and interefting a part of the hiftory of war in paft times, are now infinitely more rare, becaufe vigilance is now more uniform and the means of defence more perfect. It is now much more eafy than it was formerly to calculate the event of a campaign from the numbers of the contending armies, the fortreffes which they poffefs and the nature of the country which they occupy. It is impoffible that the art of war fhould ever be fo improved, as to obliterate all differences between the talents of generals: but it is certain that its improvement has a tendency to make the inequality of their talents lefs felt. It cannot be denied that they who beft know the power of the art are the most foher admirers of the talents of generals. But whatever be the juftness of thefe observations, it must be univerfally allowed, that as much judgment and intrepidity may be fhewn among irregular and imperfectly difciplined armies as under the most highly improved fyftem of mechanical tactics. This is fufficient for our purpose ; for we are now contemplating the character of him whofe least praife is that of being a great commander, whofe valour was the minifter of virtue, and whofe military genius is chiefly ennobled by being employed in the defence of justice. It is extremely remarkable, that though there never was a civil conteft difgraced by fo few violent or even ambiguous acts as the American war, yet fo pure were the moral fentiments of Washington, that he could not look back on the period of hoftilities with unmixed pleasure. An Italian nobleman, who visited him after the peace, had often attempted, in vain, to turn the converfation to the events of the war. At length he thought he had found a favourable opportunity of effecting his purpofe; they were riding together over the fcene of an action where Washington's conduct had been the subject of no small animadverfion. Count faid to him, "Your conduct, Sir, in this action has been criticized." Washington made no answer, but clapped fpurs to his horfe; after they had paffed the field, he turned to the Italian and faid, "Count, I obferve that you wish me to fpeak of the war. It is a converfation which I always avoid. I rejoice at the establishment of the liberties of America. But the time of the ftruggle was a horrible period, in which the best men were compelled to do many things repugnant to their nature." So fatal are even the mildest civil com. motions to men's morals, and so admirable was the temperament of the man who had too much magnanimity not to take up arms at the call of his country, and yet too delicate a purity to dwell with complacency on the recollection of scenes which, though they were the source of his glory, allowed more fcope for the dif play of his talents than for the exercife of his humanity! The conclufion of the American war permitted Washington to return to those domeftic fcenes, from which nothing but a fenfe of duty feems to have had the power to draw him. But he was not allowed long to enjoy this privacy. The fupreme government of the United States, hastily thrown up, in a moment of turbu lence and danger, as a temperary fortification against anarchy, proved utterly unadequate to the prefervation of general tranquillity and permanent fecurity. The con confufions of civil war had given a taint to the morality of the people which rendered the restraints of a juft and vigorous government more indifpenfably neceffary. Confifcation and paper money, the two great. et fchools of rapacity and dishonefty in the world, had widely fpread their poifon among the Americans. One of their own writers tells us, that the whole fyftem of paper money was a fyftem of public and private frauds. In this ftate of things, which threatened the diffolution of moraEty and government, good men faw the neceffity of concentrating and invigorating the fupreme authority. Under the influence of this conviction, a convention of delegates was affembled at Philadelphia, which strengthened the bands of the Federal Union, and bestowed on Congrefs thofe powers which were neceffary for the purposes of good government. Washing ton was the prefident of this convention, as he, in three years after, was elected president of the United States of America, ander what was called "The New Con#titution," though it ought to have been called a reform of the republican government, as that republican government itfelf was only a reform of the ancient colonial conftitution under the British crown. None of these changes extended fo far as an attempt to new-model the whole focial and political fyftem. There is nothing more ftriking in the whole character of General Washington, and which diftinguiflies him more from other extraordinary men, than the circum. ftances which attended his promotion and retreat from office. Unfought elevation and cheerful retreat are almoft peculiar to him. He eagerly courted privacy, and only fubmitted to exercife authority as a public duty. The promotions of many men are the triumph of ambition over virtue. The promotions, even of good men, have generally been eagerly fought by them from motives which were very much mixed. The promotions of Washington alone, feem to have been victories gained by his confcience over his taste. His public Virtue did not need the ambiguous aid of ambition to urge its activity. We do not affirm that all ambition is to be condemned; it is perhaps neceflary to ftimulate the fluggishness of human virtue. Those who avoid the public fervice from an epicurean love of pleasure and of ease, from the fear of danger, from infenfibility to honeft fame, are not fo much to be praised for their exemption from ambition as to be defpifed for bafer vices. But though it be mean to be below ambition, it is a proof of unspeakable greatnefs of mind to be above it. This elevation the mind of Washington had reached; and unlefs we are greatly deceived, he will be found to be a folitary example of fuch exalted magnanimity. To defpife what all other men purfue; to fhew himself equal to the highest places without ever seeking any; and to be as active and intrepid from public virtue alone, as others are under the influence of the most restlefs ambition; thefe are the noble peculiarities of the cha racter of Washington. Events occurred during his chief magiftracy, which convulfed the whole political world, and which tried moft feverely his moderation and prudence. The French revolution took place. Both friends and enemies have agreed in ftating that Washington, from the begin ning of that revolution, had no great confidence in its beneficial operation. He muit indeed have defired the abolition of defpotifin, but he is not to be called the enemy of liberty if he dreaded the substitution of a more oppreffive defpotifin. It is extremely probable that his wary and practical understanding, inftructed by the experience of popular commotions, augured little good from the daring speculations of inexperienced vifionaries. The progrefs of the revolution was not adapted to cure his diftruft, and when, in the year 1793, France, then groaning under the molt intolerable and hideous tyranny, became engaged in war with almost all the governments of the civilized world, it is faid to have been a matter of deliberation with the Prefident of the United States, whether the republican envoy, or the agent of the French princes fhould be received in America as the diplomatic representative of France. But whatever might be his private feelings of repugnance and horror, his public conduct was influenced only by his public duties. As a virtuous man he must have abhorred the fyftem of crimes which was established in France. But as the firft magiftrate of the American Commonwealth, he was bound only to confider how far the interest and safety of the people whom he governed, were affected by the conduct of France. He faw that, it was wife and neceffary for America to preferve a good understanding and a beneficial intercourse with that great country, in See Ramfay's American Revolution, whatever manner fhe was governed, as long as the abstained from committing irjury aganft the United States. Guided by this juft and fimple principle, uninfluenced by the abhorrence of crimes which he felt and which others affected, he received Mr. Genet, the minifter of the French Republic. The hiftory of the outrages which that minifter committed, or inftigated, or countenanced against the American government, must be fresh in the memory of all our readers. The conduct of Washington was a model of firm and dignified moderation. Infults were of fered to his authority in official papers, in anonymous libels, by incendiary declaimers, and by tumultuous meetings. The law of nations was trampled under foot. His confidential minifters were feduced to betray him, and the deluded populace were fo inflamed by the arts of their enemies that they broke out into in furrection. No vexation, however galling, could difturb the tranquillity of his mind, or make him deviate from the policy which his fituation prescribed. With a more confirmed authority, and at the head of a longer established government, he might perhaps have thought greater vigour juftifiable. But in his circumstances he was fenfible that the nerves of authority were not ftrong enough to bear being ftrained. Perfuafion, always the most defirable inftrument of Government, was in his cafe the safest. Yet he never over paffed the line which feparates conceffion from meannefs. He reached the utmoft limits of moderation, without being betrayed into pufillanimity. He preferved external and internal peace by a fyftem of mildness, without any of thofe virtual confeffions of weaknefs, which fo much difhonour and enfeeble fupreme authority. During the whole of that arduous ftruggle, his perfonal character gave that ftrength to a new magiftracy, which in other countries arises from ancient habits of obedience and refpect. The authority of his virtue was more efficacious for the prefervation of America than the legal powers of his office. [To be concluded in the Magazine to be JOH published on the first of April.] MEMOIRS OF THE LATE DR. WARNER. JOHN WARNER, D.D. lately deceafed, was the fon of Dr. Ferdinando Warner (many years rector of Barnes in Surry, reputed author of the Letters of an Uncle to his Nephew, and author of the Hiftory of Ireland, of the Church, &c. &c.) After the ufual claffical education at school, he was fent to Lifbon, to be ini tiated into the principles of commercial life; but his genius was not fuited to the defk, and he was foon transplanted to a foil more favourable to his literary merit, and was admitted a member of Trinity College, Cambridge. His first, or ba chelor's degree he took in the year 1758, and embracing foon after a clerical life, proceeded to his mafter's degree in 1761, and was created doctor of divinity in 1773. His refidence from the time of taking orders was chiefly in or near London; and for a confiderable time his talents in the pulpit gave him a due degree of celebrity. His chapel in Long-Acre (for it was his own private property) was frequented not only by thofe whofe piety was gratified by the evangelical fentiments which were uttered with heartfelt eloquence, but many were his conftant attendants, to derive improvement from his command of language and power of perfuafion, or to qualify themselves, by the study of his dignified and impreffive manner, to appear with greater advantage in public life. Dr. Warner's juftly acquired popularity was not thrown away, as is too often the cafe, on an unfeeling mind: he was an exemplary fon, and affectionate brother; and, having accustomed himself for the fake of those who were nearest and dearest to him to many privations, when his income was very fcanty, he derived, as it increafed, the greater pleafure from the opportunity it afforded him of adding to their comforts. In 1771, he was prefented to the united rectories of Hockliffe and Chalton, in Bedfordshire, and afterwards, by his much efteemed friend Sir Richard Colt Hoare, Bart. to the rectory of Stourton, in Wiltshire. At the be ginning of the French revolution, he accompanied Lord Gower as chaplain to Paris; was witnefs to the principal ec+ currences of that awful period, previous to the execution of the king; and being prevented, by the embargo laid on just as he arrived at Boulogne, from quitting France, and warned ir time of the danger of staying in that town, or attempting to make his way out of France, he fixed his refidence in a village about two leagues from Boulogne; and during the tyranny of Robespierre fpent his time in a very agreeable retirement. With his ufual humour he received the congratulations of his friends on his efcape at laft, and arrival into Old England: for he arrived at the time when France was fuppofed to be Tuffering under all the horrors of famine. "Bread," fays he, "now cufts me fifteen-pence the quartern loaf; a beef-fleak and |