be in fuch exterior matters: but that this liberty should be unquestioned, and that of the mind deftroyed, iffues here, That it does not unbrute us, but unman us: ' for take away understanding, reason, judgment, and ‹ faith, and, like Nebuchadnezzar, let us go graze with the beafts of the field.'

Seventhly and lastly, That which most of all blackens the bufinefs, is PERSECUTION: for though it is very unreasonable to require faith where men cannot chufe but doubt, yet, after all, to punish them for difobedience, is cruelty in the abftract: for we demand, Shall 'men fuffer for not doing what they cannot do?' must they be perfecuted here if they do not go against their confciences, and punished hereafter if they do? But neither is this all; for that part that is yet most unreasonable, and that gives the cleareft fight of persecution, is still behind, namely, The monftrous arguments they have to convince an heretick with:" not those of old, as fpiritual as the Chriftian religion, which were, to admonifh, warn, and finally to reject;' but fuch as were employed by the perfecuting Jews and heathens against the Great Example of the world, and fuch as followed him, and by the inhuman Papifts against our first reformers, as clubs, ftaves, stocks, pillories, prifons, dungeons, exiles, &c. in a word, ruin to whole families; as if it were not fo much 'their defign to convince the foul, as to destroy the 'body.'

To conclude: There ought to be an adequation and resemblance betwixt all ends, and the means to them; but in this cafe there can be none imaginable: the end, is the conformity of our judgments and underftandings to the acts of fuch as require it; the means are fines and imprisonments, and bloody knocks to boot.

Now, what proportion or affimilation thefe bear, let the fober judge: the understanding can never be convinced, nor properly fubmit, but by fuch arguments as are rational, perfuafive, and fuitable to its own nature; fomething that can refolve its doubts, answer

its objections, enervate its propofitions. But to imagine those barbarous Newgate inftruments of clubs, fines, prifons, &c. with that whole troop of external and dumb materials of force, fhould be fit arguments to convince the understanding, fcatter its fcruples, and finally convert it to their religion, is altogether irrational, cruel, and impoffible. Force may make an hypocrite; it is faith, grounded upon knowledge,

and confent, that makes a Christian.' And to conclude, as we can never betray the honour of our conformity (only due to truth) by a bafe and timorous hypocrify to any external violence under heaven; fo muft we needs fay, unreasonable are thofe impofers, who secure not the impofed or reftrained from what may occur to them, upon their account; and moft inhuman are thofe perfecutors that punish men for not obeying them, though to their utter ruin.

CHAP. V.

They carry a contradiction to government: 1. In the nature of it, which is juftice. 2. In the execution of it, which is prudence. 3. In the end of it, which is fidelity. Seven common, but grand objections, fairly stated, and briefly answered.

WE

E next urge, that force, in matters relating to confcience, carries a plain contradiction to government, in the nature, execution, and end of it. By government we understand, an external order of juftice, or the right and prudent difciplining of any fociety by juft laws, either in the relaxation or execution of them.

First, It carries a contradiction to government in the nature of it, which is justice, and that in three refpects.

1. It is the firft leffon that great Synterefis, fo much renowned by philofophers and civilians, learns mankind, To do as they would be done to;' fince he

that

that gives what he would not take, or takes what he would not give, only fhews care for himself, but neither kindness nor justice for another.

2. The juft nature of government lies in a fair and equal retribution: but what can be more unequal, than that men fhould be rated more than their proportion to answer the neceffities of government, and yet that they should not only receive no protection from it, but by it be diffeifed of their dear liberty and properties? We fay, to be compelled to pay that power that exerts itself to ruin thofe that pay it, or that any fhould be required to enrich those that ruin them, is hard and unequal, and therefore contrary to the juft nature of government. If we must be contributaries to the maintenance of it, we are entitled to a protection from it.

3. It is the juftice of government to proportion penalties to the crime committed. Now granting our diffent to be a fault, yet the infliction of a corporal or external punishment, for a mere mental error (and that not voluntary) is unreasonable and inadequate, as well as against particular directions of the fcriptures, Tit. iii. 9, 10, 11. For as corporal penalties cannot convince the understanding; so neither can they be commenfurate punishments for faults purely intellectual and for the government of this world to intermeddle with what belongs to the government of another, and which can have no ill afpect or influence upon it, fhews more of invafion than right and juf

tice.

Secondly, It carries a contradiction to government in the execution of it, which is prudence, and that in these instances.

1. The state of the cafe is this, that there is no republick fo great, no empire fo vaft, but the laws of them are refolvable into these two series or heads; Of laws fundamental, which are indifpenfable and immutable; and laws fuperficial, which are tempoand alterable:' and as it is justice and prudence to be punctual in the execution of the former, fo, by B 4

rary

circumstances,

circumftances, it may be neither to execute the latter, they being fuited to the prefent conveniency and emergency of state; as the prohibiting of cattle out of Ireland was judged of advantage to the farmers of England, yet a murrain would make it the good of the whole that the law fhould be broke, or at least the execution of it fufpended. That the law of reftraint, in point of confcience, is of this number, we may farther manifeft, and the imprudence of thinking otherwise : for first, if the saying were as true as it is false, "No bishop, no king," (which admits of various readings; as, "no decimating clergy, or no perfecution, "no king,") we fhould be as filent as fome would have us; but the confidence of their affertion, and the impolicy of fuch as believe it, makes us to fay, that a greater injury cannot be done to the prefent government. For if fuch laws and establishments are fundamental, they are as immutable as mankind itself; but that they are as alterable as the conjectures and opinions of governors have been, is evident; fince the fame fundamental indifpenfable laws and policy of these kingdoms have ftill remained, through all variety of oppofite ruling opinions and judgments, and disjoined from them all. Therefore to admit of fuch a fixation to temporary laws, muft needs be highly imprudent, and deftructive of the effential parts of the government of these countries.

2. That fince there has been a time of connivance, and that with no ill fuccefs to public affairs, it cannot be prudence to discontinue it, unless it was imprudence before to give it; and fuch little deferve it that think fo.

3. Diffenters not being confcious to themselves of any juft forfeiture of that favour, are as well grieved in their refentments of this alteration, as the contrary did oblige them to very grateful acknowledgments.

4. This must be done to gratify all, or the greatest part, or but fome few only: it is a demonstration, all are not pleased with it; that the greatest number is not, the empty public auditories will speak: in fhort,

how

how fhould either be, when fix parties are facrificed to the feventh that this cannot be prudence, common maxims and obfervations prove.

5. It ftrikes fatally at Proteftant fincerity: for will the Papifts fay, Did Proteftants exclaim against us for perfecutors, and are they now the men themselves? Was it an inftance of weakness in our religion, and is it become a demonstration of ftrength in theirs? Have they tranfmuted it from antichriftian in us, to chriftian in themselves? let perfecutors answer.

6. It is not only an example, but an incentive to the Romanifts to perfecute the reformed religion abroad: for when they fee their actions (once void of all excufe) now defended by the example of Proteftants, that once accufed them, (but now themfelves) doubtlefs they will revive their cruelty.

7. It overturns the very ground of the Proteftants retreat from Rome: for if men must be reftrained, upon pretended prudential confiderations, from the exercife of their confcience in England; why not the fame in France, Holland, Germany, Conftantinople, &c. where matters of state may equally be pleaded? This makes religion ftate-policy; and faith and worship, fubfervient to the humours and interefts of fuperiors: fuch doctrine would have prevented our ancestors retreat; and we wish it be not the beginning of a backmarch; for fome think it fhrewdly to be fufpected, where religion is fuited to the government, and confcience to its conveniency.

8. Vice is encouraged for if licentious perfons fee men of virtue molefted for affembling with a religi ous purpose to reverence and worship God, and that are otherwife moft ferviceable to the commonwealth, they may and will infer, it is better for them to be as they are; fince not to be demure, as they call it, is half-way to that kind of accomplishment which procures preferment.

9. For fuch perfons as are fo poor-fpirited as to truckle under fuch restraints, what conqueft is there oyer them, that before were confcientious men, and

now