their ineffectual endeavour has only served as a test of the prevailing usage.

The appendix contains a few extracts from Wieland, Herder, Goethe, and Schiller, with a literal English version for the use of beginners: followed by a very short collection of phrases; which, we are inclined to think, might have been better chosen, and not seldom better translated. Here we cannot help observing that, in an elementary book, that translation of words and phrases which comes nearest to the idiom of the words and phrases to be translated is always to be preferred, though it be not always, perhaps, so elegant as other expressions, For example; we would have der magen translated, the maw; kleidung, cloathing; schweinefleisch, swine-flesh: adding, when necessary, the more common terms, stomach, cloaths, pork, &c. In like manner, we would not render sie essen nicht, "you do not eat," but " you eat not:"-nor eilen sie nicht "do not be in a hurry," but "hurry yourself not." Even when a literal version deviates from the English idiom, it would be more useful to the learner to have it presented to him. For instance: wollen sie zu mittag bey mir essen: " will you at mid-day with me eat." i. e. will you dine with me.-Darf ich sie bitten, "dare I you beg."-Wie weit ist Berlin von hier; "How wide is Berlin from here."-Kann ich über nicht hier bleiben? "Can I overnight here stay?" It is inconceivable how much a Chres tomathia of this sort contributes to the rapid progress of the scholar. We speak from experience.

The author promises us a dictionary, English and German, and German and English, in octavo in how many volumes, he says not but in order to be in any degree like a complete Lexicon, it cannot be comprehended in less than four. In the German and English part, we recommend it to Dr. Noehden to take Schwan's German and French for his model.

ART. VIII. The History of France, Civil and Military, Ecclesiastical, Political, Literary, Commercial, &c. &c. from the Time of its Conquest by Clovis, A. D. 486. By the Rev. Alexander Ranken, one of the Ministers of Glasgow. Vol. I. 8vo. pp. 540. 9s. Boards. Cadell jun. and Davies. 1801.

THE

HE division of his subject, which Mr. Ranken has adopted, will naturally bring to the recollection of our readers Dr. Henry's History of Great Britain, and the mode which he pursued in the composition of it. In his preface, Mr. R. has thus stated the reasons for his adoption of this plan:

Many years have elapsed since I began my enquiries into French history, and to write essays on that subject. The plan which I pre

Cc 3

ferred

ferred when I resolved to publish, required both that these essays should be considerably altered in their form, and that others more recently composed should be added: this will account for that variety which may appear in the style.

The plan was not suggested by Dr. Henry's History of Great Britain; but in attempting to arrange the several essays afterwards, a similarity was observed; and on farther deliberation I resolved to adopt his plan, and proceed in composing what was then wanting to complete it. I admire his work, and will be content if I shall be thought to have successfully imitated it.

The First Book, therefore, which this Volume contains, is divided into Seven Chapters. The First Chapter is the History of Civil and Military Affairs; the Second, is the History of Religion and of the Church; the Third, is that of Laws and Government; the Fourth of Literature; the Fifth, of the Arts; the Sixth, of Commerce; and the Seventh, of Language, Customs, and Manners.'

The author considers the conquest of France by Clovis as the origin of the French monarchy; and he does not extend his inquiries higher than that period, because he justly represents their previous annals as involved in impenetrable darkness and obscurity. The Franks, before that time, were German Tribes, having no sovereignty but over their own families, without any certain or settled territory, and almost without a fixed name. From the conquest of Gaul by Julius Cæsar, (observes Mr. Ranken,) till its conquest by Clovis, the history of the Gauls belongs to the history of the Roman Empire, and could not with propriety, nor with success be detached from it.'-This period, as also a considerable part of that which is discussed in the present volume, is illustrated in Mr. Gibbon's great work; and it would form no unpleasant nor unprofitable occupation to compare the statements of the two historians. The plainness and simplicity of Mr. Ranken are strongly contrasted by the study of ornament and the affectation of singularity which are so evident in Mr. Gibbon; and this opposition of manner and style struck us more forcibly in the character of Charlemagne, than in any other instance. If it should be urged that the present writer is too favourable in his account of that illustrious monarch, it must be allowed that "the historian of Rome" (a title which Mr. G. was fond of appropriating to himself) has been unjust to his merits, and treated his memory with unbecoming levity.

The detail of the conduct of the different Princes of the Merovingian race is curious and interesting, though our feelings are frequently shocked by the enumeration of those enormities which were too common in all countries at so early a period of society. "Pepin le Gros (also called d'Heristal, from his Palace of that name,) first successfully contended with the monarchs of that

race;

race; and the victory which he obtained over Thierri in the year 687, at the Battle of Tertri, altogether annihilated their authority, though it still left them in possession of the title of king. Some writers here terminate the Merovingian, and begin the Carlovingian Race; but Thierri, and several more of the same family, his successors, continued nominally kings. They were brought forward on certain solemn occasions as puppets, with all the outward ensigns of royalty, and even surrounded by guards; but it was more to prevent their intercourse with the people, than either for state or safety.' The policy observed and the humanity exercised by Pepin, and by his son, Charles Martel, served to confirm their power, and to enable their successors to assume what alone was wanting to them, the name of royalty. Pepin, the second son of Charles Martel, had placed Childeric the 3d on the throne in. the year 743, and he was the last of the Merovingian race; who, beginning with Clovis, to the number of thirty-two kings, had filled the throne of France for 270 years. The causes which contributed to the fall of the one race and the rise of the other are thus stated by Mr. Ranken:

Rudeness, ferocity, and cruelty, generally characterised them till the reign of Clotaire II.; after him the empire was less divided, and less distracted by civil wars. But the kings themselves became more sensual, superstitious, and indolent. Their frequent and long minorities, particularly after the reign of Dagobert, contributed to the diminution of their dignity and power, and to the increase of the authority and supreme power of the mayors. As the one descended, the other naturally rose, till the people were at last accustomed to look on the latter as their sovereigns. In the progress of a century, veneration for antiquity itself loses its influence; and, respect is transferred by new associations, and by new generations of men, from those whose fame is known by means only of history or tradition, to those whose character and atchievements are every day the subject of attention and admiration.

The first Pepin and Charles Martel were both illustrious examples of this effect. Their military skill and valour, their political sagacity, their general good fortune in advancing them personally, aggrandised the state. Pepin, the son of Charles, had already shown, both in his eastern and western expeditions, and in his general administration before and after the resignation of Carloman, that he was not inferior to any of his predecessors. His civil government was vigorous, yet mild and gentle; sufficient for restraining licentiousness and criminal disorders, and calculated at the same time to promote and maintain industry, justice, and peace. His public conduct was not more ingratiating, than were his personal affability and agreeable manners. If a few of the nobles were envious, or jealous of his high rank and power, they were just sufficient to render him the more prudent and cautious. His liberality to the church, and his particular attention to the clergy, secured their favour; and their approbation and influCc4

ence

ence were of great importance in the part which he now resolved to

act.

In deposing Childeric, and assuming to himself the august title of king, he considered that the sanction of the pope might diminish the scruples of the people, and convey the crown to him with a religious weight, which might fix it on his head with a firmness equal to that of family and hereditary descent.

He had cultivated a close intercourse with Zachary, the reigning pope. He often consulted him about ecclesiastical affairs, and caused his answers to be read to the clergy, and to be observed by them with respect and submission. This both gratified the pope, and accustomed the clergy and people to reverence and obey him.

Zachary, on the other hand, like his predecessor,was involved in the controversy respecting image worship, and was threatened by the arms of both the emperor and the king of the Lombards. The emperor was at the head of the Iconoclasts; the Lombards were Arians; Spain was now subject to the Saracens; and a great part of Germany was still idolatrous. Zachary could place his hope of protection and aid in France alone. He had formerly solicited these without effect, and only waited a more favourable juncture for repeating and enforcing his requests. None could be more favourable than that which was now presented to him. In bestowing or confirming a crown, he might hope for his protection at least on whom he conferred it. He saw, besides, that such an interposition of his autho rity must increase the importance and influence of the Holy See, and lay a precedent for future interferences of the like nature in the civil and political affairs of Europe.

At the same time, Pepin proceeded with the utmost delicacy and caution in proposing the matter to him. He knew the importance of a first impression, and was anxious that it should be favourable. Having gained Boniface, bishop of Mayence, the most zealous and popular of all the clergy, and the most intimate with Zachary, he entrusted to him the communication of his design.

He was not kept long in suspence. His proposal, he was assured, had been well received at Rome. He now therefore more openly and formally deputed the bishop of Virsburgh, and the abbot of St. Denis, to propose as a case of conscience, which required the judgment and sanction of the highest and most sacred authority," Whether, considering the present state of Europe, it were expedient that the nominal, and real source of authority in the French empire, should be divided? Or, considering the incapacity of Childeric, the lustre of Pepin's family for a century past, and his own high reputation, whether, having been so long in possession of all power, he ought now actually to assume the rank and title of king."

The case having been duly examined by the pope, he returned the following judgment: "That having considered the whole circumstances of the subject proposed to him, he was satisfied that he who is in possession of the reins of government, may also assume the name of king."

Matters being so far prepared, Pepin next assembled the states of the kingdom, a great part of whom also were in the secret. The

business

business was introduced, and conducted by his friends. They stated the services which his family had rendered to the empire, the peace and prosperity which it now enjoyed under his administration, the danger to which it might be exposed from the Saracens, or the tributary nations now overawed by his vigilance and authority: that to secure the tranquillity of the state, and the happiness of the people, it was highly prudent and justifiable to confer on real ability and worth, the reward due to so many inestimable services: in a word, that it was their interest and their duty to request the noble Pepin's consent, that his title of duke may be changed into that of king of France; that there was no real obstacle; Childeric should be provided for, suitably to his rank and capacity: that the case, as far as religion and conscience were concerned, had been examined by the father of the Christian church, and that he, judging it to be for the interest of both church and state, had advised the calling of this assembly, and the communication of this measure, for their deliberation and decision.

His friends applauded the scheme; others readily joined their approbation. They expressed their decision by a general acclamation. Measures were taken without delay for the solemn inauguration; Pepin was crowned and proclaimed king of France, and placed, with his queen Bertrade, formally on the throne.

To give the more solemnity to his inauguration, and to render his person and royalty the more sacred, Boniface archbishop of Mayence, and the pope's legate, who attended on this occasion, anointed and consecrated him, after the manner of the kings of Israel. This ceremony, observed now probably for the first time in France, became customary thenceforward at the coronation of the French kings.

A suitable account of this event, the reasons of it, the pope's opinion and approbation of it, and the unanimous act of the assembly, were all industriously published and circulated over the empire, and every one seems to have participated in the general joy.

6

Childeric, dethroned and deserted, was shaved, and conducted to a monastery, where he died about three or four years after. He had one son, who was in like manner withdrawn from a public and political, to a retired and religious state.'

The author now proceeds to give a view of the transactions in which Pepin was engaged; these he states with clearness and impartiality, and concludes with the following short character of that prince :

His

No man in so elevated and active a station, and especially in circumstances so critical as attended the revolution in his favour, ever maintained a character, either considered personally or politically, more irreproachable, or more highly respectable than Pepin. prudence was remarkable even to a proverb. In the field, in the council, in the assembly of the people, his opinion was usually solicited, and readily followed. His plans, his decisions, his enterprises, all his measures, were wise and successful.

Few princes gave so great a share in the administration to the nobles; but the more he condescended, the greater authority and

real