That a fever frequently proves a remedy to a disease, is afferted by Hippocrates in various parts of his works: quibus bepar circumeirca dolet, his febris fuperveniens dolorem folvit. Aph. vii, 52. Lippitudine affecto fuborta febre, folutionem affert. Coac. 222, &c. So that, a fever's being often a remedy rather than a difeafe, is a very old opinion. Nor is our Author by any means fingular in his belief, that a fever is generally an effort of nature to effect some salutary purpofe; but it does not therefore follow that no man ever died of a fever, Suppose, for inftance, a perfon receives a wound, which, from the part injured, is by no means mortal: yet a fever fupervenes, and the patient dies. In this cafe, the wound was the cause of the fever, but the fever was the immediate caufe of death. So in innumerable other inftances, though a fever may be excited by nature with a falutary intention, yet, if not properly restrained by the physician, it often destroys the patient. In fupport of his affertion, that fevers are always fymptomatic, our Author proves nothing more, than that no effect is produced without a caufe; an axiom which we are not in the least inclined to conteft.

B.

A large Collection of antient Jewish and Heathen Teftimonies to the Truth of the Chriftian Religion, with Notes and Obfervations. Vol. II. Containing the Teftimonies of Heathen Writers of the fecond Century. By Nathaniel Lardner, D. D. 4to. 10s. 6d. Buckland, &c.

W

E have here a fresh opportunity of doing juftice to the great learning, and uncommon induftry of the worthy Author of this work, whofe judicious writings in defence of Christianity do him great honour, and have done eminent fervice to the caufe which he fupports.

This fecond volume of his Collection* is-introduced with a Preface, containing fome farther obfervations upon the paragraph, in the works of Jofephus, concerning our bleffed Saviour. In his first volume, the Doctor took no notice of an anonymous Differtation, printed at Oxford in the year 1749, and generally afcribed to Dr. N. Forfter; wherein the Author endeavours to fhew, that the celebrated paffage in queftion, fome flight corruptions only excepted, may reasonably be esteemed genuine. As great regard has been fhewn to this Differtation by fome learned men, our Author thinks proper to confider the merits of it,

The Author of the Differtation looks upon the account in Jofephus as a mere fimple narrative, in which there is not a

For our account of the firf volume, fee Rev. Vol. XXXII. p. 1.

fentence,

fentence, that, when properly read and understood, betrays the Writer to have had any fufpicion, that Jefus was the Meffiah, or even a Teacher fent from God. On the other hand, fome expreffions, he fays, plainly imply him to have been perfuaded of the contrary; and the whole, taken together, feems to be the compofition of a perfon, perfectly fatisfied, that the Chriftian scheme could not be true: aftonished, however, at fome amazing appearances in its favour, but artfully evading the force of them, avoiding to enter into the merits of the affair, and yet affecting to give a feemingly plaufible account of its original.

A fhort view of the whole paragraph, he fays, will beft illuftrate and confirm what he advances: it may be fairly rendered, he thinks, in the following manner. ——— But about this time appears one Jefus, a man of great abilities, if indeed he may be properly ftiled a méré man. For he was a worker of wonders, a teacher of people, who embraced his new and extraordinary doctrines with eagerness. And he led away many, not only of the Jews, but also of the Gentiles after him. This was the perfon fo well known by the name of Christ. And though Pilate, upon the impeachment brought by the principal perfons of our nation against him, caufed him to be crucified, they who had before entertained an affection for him, did not defift. For he appeared to them to be alive again on the third day; their own preachers at leaft having reported both thefe and numberlefs other wonderful things concerning him. And the fect of the Chriftians, who received their denomination from this perfon, are not extinct even to this 'day.

Dr. Lardner makes fome very pertinent obfervations on this new turn given to the paffage in question, and on what the Author of the Differtation farther advances in fupport of his opinion, and then proceeds to confider fome objections contained in a letter received from a learned friend, who efpoufes the fame fide of the queftion with the Author of the Differtation. After this, he fums up the whole argument with fome additional remarks, and concludes with obferving, that it is the wisdom and the intereft of Chriftians to adhere to, and improve the genuine works of Jofephus, instead of endeavouring to vindicate paffages, which are fo juftly fufpected to be interpolations.

We now proceed to the work itself, in the first chapter of which, we have a very full and particular account of Pliny's letter to Trajan, and Trajan's refcript, with notes, obfervations, and the opinions of feveral learned men concerning them. Some have aggravated the severity of Trajan, others have extolled his moderation beyond meafure; Dr. Lardner reprefents his character and that of Pliny with great freedom and impartiality; feems to take pleasure in displaying the amiable part of

their character, and to cenfure what was wrong in their conduct with tenderness and reluctance.

Towards the conclufion of this long chapter, we have the following general remarks. 1. Thefe epiftles are juftly efteemed by learned men, as very valuable. They are the only authentic accounts of the perfecution in Pontus and Bithynia, which we have. Indeed thofe epiftles have been referred to by Tertullian, and Eufebius, and other later writers. But we have no hiftory of it by any Chriftian writer, who lived at that time. Whence this has come to pafs, cannot be certainly faid. We may regret it, but we cannot help it, and fhould acquiefce, and improve what we have, as well as we can.

2. We fee here one ground of offence against Christians. They drew men off from the worship of the Heathen deities. Their temples were not so much frequented, as formerly. The Priefts, and all who had a dependence upon the temples, the facrificers, the ftatuaries, the painters, the engravers, and others, were deprived of their wonted gain. This must have made the Chriftians many fierce enemies in all parts. An early inftance of this kind is recorded by St. Luke, Acts. xix. 23.

41.

3. Here is a remarkable evidence of the great progrefs of the Chriftian religion in a fhort space. There never was any fuch thing as Christianity heard of in the world, before the reign of Tiberius. It was not fourfcore years, fince the crucifixion of Jefus, when Pliny wrote this letter, nor feventy years, fince the difciples of Jefus began to make any mention of bim to Gentiles. And yet there were at this time great numbers of men, whom Pliny once and again plainly calls Chriftians, in that part of Afia, where he prefided, at a great distance from Judea. Chriftians there were every where, throughout the whole extent of his province, in cities, in villages, and in the open country. There were perfons of all ages, of every rank and condition, and of each fex, and fome Roman citizens, who had embraced this principle. They abounded fo much in those parts, that there was a visible defertion of the temples. Beafts, brought to market for victims, had few purchafers. The annual facred folemnities were much neglected. So many were accused, and were in danger of fuffering upon account of the prevalence of this opinion, as gave the Prefident no fmall

concern.

• Moreover, there were not only many at this time, who bore that name: but there had been fuch people there a good while fome feveral years before: and one, or more, brought before Pliny, had profeffed Chriftianity and forfaken it, twenty years before. By which we are affured, that there were Christians here before the year of our Lord ninety, and within. REV. Jan. 1766.

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fixty

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fixty years after the crucifixion of Jefus. And indeed the great number of Chriftians found in this country by Pliny affords good reason to believe, that Chriftianity had been planted there many years before his arrival. Such an increafe muft have been the work of time.

I do not fay, nor think, that the Chriftians were the majority of the people in Pontus and Bithynia. But I fuppofe we may conclude from what Pliny writes, that there were then many Chriftians in every part of those countries,

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4. They who were called Chriftians, were very refolute, and fleady in this profeffion. Which must have been owing to fome caule or other. Jefus had been crucified, as a malefactor. And yet there were great numbers of men, who had a great-refpect for him, and could not by any means be compelled, as Pliny was affured, to fpeak ill of him. And this Governor found those informations, which had been given him, to be true. For there were men brought before him, who, when he interrogated them, whether they were Chriftians, confeffed they were. And though threatened by him with death, they perfevered in that confeffion, and therefore were by him or dered away for execution.

It is reasonable to think, that this was owing to fome-authentic informations, which they had received concerning Jefus, and his exemplary life, and excellent doctrine, confirmed by miraculous works, and a full perfuafion of the truth of them, as alfo of his refurrection from the dead, and his exaltation to power and dominion after his crucifixion.

It could not well be owing to any thing, but such evidences of these things, as are contained in the books of the New Teftament. What elfe could have induced fo many men to take upon them the name of Chrift, and profefs themselves to be his followers? though all men knew, he had fuffered an ignominious death? They lived near enough to the time of Jefus, to know, whether there had been any extraordinary appearances in his favour, during bis abode on this earth, at his death, and after it, Without credible information of fome fuch things, it is unaccountable, that any number of men should take upon them this profeffion, and persevere in it, notwithstanding the many difficulties, to which they were expofed.

If it fhould be faid, they were not all conftant: there were fome, who abandoned this profeffion. It is allowed. Some fuch there were. But they feem to have been but few, in comparison of thofe who perfevered. For Pliny faw, that great numbers of all forts of people were expofed to danger. Befides, the conftance of a few, in fuch a cafe. as this, is of more weight than the inconstance of many. There were many 9 temptations

temptations to renounce this profeffion, even contrary to conviction. But there were no worldly inducements of any kind, to perfift in it. Unleadiness might be owing to worldly con fiderations: perfeverance could be owing to nothing, but a firm perfuafion of the truth.

5. We are here affured of divers important things concerning the religious belief and worship of the firft Chriftians, in which they agree with the principles and precepts delivered in the New Testament.

1.) They d fowned all the gods of the Heathens. They would not worship the images of the Emperors, or of their Gods. The people who embraced this religion, forfeck the Heathen temples and altars, and offered there no facrifices.

2.) They met together on a ftated day, undoubtedly mean ing Sunday, or the Lord's day, on which Jefus Christ our Saviour rofe from the dead. And we are affured by Juftin Martyr, in his Apology, writ not very many years after this time, that this was the practice of all Chriftians in general.

3.) When they were affembled, as Pliny fays, they fang a bymn to Chrift, as a God. And also engaged themselves, as by an eath, not to commit theft, or robbery, or adultery, never to falfify their wnd, or betray any truft committed to them."

Which account is much to the honour of thefe Chriflians. Their religion did not lie in abftrufe fpeculations, or numerous rites and ceremonies, but in the worship of the one God, through Jefus Chrift, and the practice of moral virtue.

4.) The Chriftians in Pontus and Bithynia had love-feafts, or Agapal, as they are alfo fometimes called. Many other Chriftians had the like, as we learn from Tertullian. Thofe of the Chriftians in Bithynia were not held at the fame time with their more folemn worship, but afterwards. And for avoiding offence they had omitted them.

5.) They alfo had church-officers. Pliny exprefsly mentions two women, who were Minifters, or Deaconnees, whom he alfo calls maid fervants. But, as before hinted, he might be mistaken about their condition.

Whence it came to pass, that he has mentioned no other officers among the Chriftians, fuch as Bifhops, or Prefidents, or Elders, or Deacons, cannot be faid. But it may be al lowed, that the perfons pitched upon by him, to be examin' d by torture, were as likely as any to anfwer his purpofe, of obtaining a knowlege of their fecret practices, if the Chriftians had any fuch among them.

6. We are here affured of the innocence and virtue of the first Chriftians. Both thefe epifties, that of Pliny, and that of Trajan, bear teftimony to their innocence, in their folemn worship, in their meal, fome time afterwards, and in thei

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