tellectual culture," I might have felt as it exists in the slave holding states of this "the force of [such] logical arguments!" Union."

follows:

Much time was consumed in the dis

APOLOGY FOR ANTI-ABOLITIONISTS. cussion on the above resolutions. SpeakThe reviewer apologizes for the heat ers were abundant, and mostly on one and mistakes of the anti-abolitionists, as side. Much excitement prevailed while the resolutions were pending. For sev"We are indeed very far from making the eral hours the discussions were confined attempt to justify every word that dropped from the lips of speakers, or every sentiment that to the anti-abolitionists. Two members was uttered in the warmth of debate. Those of the New Hampshire Conference had must be more than human, and more indeed attended an anti-slavery meeting and than human nature is capable of attaining in made a few remarks, at a time when this life, even under the powerful influence of

Christianity, who should be exempt from all they had no duties to perform, either in aberrations of intellect, from all errors in judg- conference or committee. This was the ment, and who should utter nothing reprehen- occasion. sible in extemporaneous debate, where, especially, conflicting opinions excite much dis

cussion.

It was proposed to amend the resolutions, by inserting the names of the two brethren.

Rev. W. A. Smith spoke in favor of the proposition to insert their "Let them," said he, "be brought forth in all the length and breadth of their DAMNING INIQUITY!" But this, it

names.

was pretended by others, would expose

But if an abolitionist happens to make a mistake in reporting the speech of an opponent, he must be published all over the land as guilty of "falsehood ""palpable falsehood;" and that too by one from whom we ought to expect a better example! The frailties of human them to Lynch law. Many hints were nature may be offered as the common thrown out about mobs-enough, it was apology for all men, the abolitionists only thought, to have created one; espeexcepted. They must be perfect in cially as not a sentence against mobs every statement, or they are guilty of fell from the lips of a single speaker. "palpable falsehood!"

As a specimen of these hints, take the following from the speech of Rev. R. Paine, President of La Grange College.

0. SCOTT AND W. WINANS. But I cannot dwell here.

As the re

resolutions of GENERAL CONFERENCE. The following preamble and resolu- "And even here, in this free state, what tions were offered on the 12th of May, would be the consequence, if an abolition meetby Rev. S. G. Roszell, of the Baltimore ing were now advertised to be held at the Conference. Court-House in this City? If such a thing were projected, even here, you would see the "Whereas, great excitement has pervaded indignant crowd, gathering in the streets, and this country on the subject of modern aboli-presenting a dark and dense mass, making its tionism, which is reported to have been in- way to the appointed place, to pour out its vencreased in this city recently, by the unjustifiable geance on those who might be rash enough to conduct of two members of the General Con- engage in such a scheme.” ference in lecturing upon, and in favor of that agitating topic;-and whereas, such a course on the part of any of its members is calculated to bring upon this body the suspicion and distrust of the community, and misrepresent its viewer has confined himself principally sentiments in regard to the point at issue;-and to the speeches of brother Winans and whereas, in this aspect of the case, a due regard myself, I must follow him. And in orfor its own character, as well as a just concern der to give a fair and full view of this care, demand a full, decided and unequivocal part of the discussion, I will insert the expression of the views of the General Confer- whole controversy between brother Wience in the premises-Therefore, nans and myself. My speech against "1. Resolved,-By the delegates of the an- the resolutions comes first in ordernual Conferences in General Conference assembled, that they disapprove in the most un- then brother Winans' speech, as reportqualified sense, the conduct of the two members ed by the editor of the Philanthropist― of the General Conference, who are reported then my review of his arguments, as to have lectured in this city recently, upon, published in the address to the General

for the interests of the church confided to its

and in favor of, modern abolitionism.

2. Resolved,-By the delegates of the an- Conference; next his attack upon me; nual Conferences in General Conference as- and lastly, my defence. I shall then sembled, that they are decidedly opposed to close with a particular examination of modern abolitionism, and wholly disclaim any wight, wish or intention, to interfere in the civil the "Review of the Proceedings of the

ad nolitical relation hatwaan master and slave late General Conference”

I am sorry that this examination ne- N. Bangs, than that he would continue cessarily has so much reference to my- to publish these slanderous charges self. But it is a solemn duty which I against me through the whole length and not only owe to myself, but to the cause breadth of the land-and that too in of truth-to the church, and to the more aggravated forms, misrepresenting world to correct some as glaring er- my language and ridiculing my argurors, as ever were perhaps connected ments, not to say my intellect! Has with the deliberations of a body of this brother done by me as he would Christian ministers! wish me to do by him? But more of this in another place.

PERSONAL ABUSE.

THE CHARGES HAVE BEEN MET.

The abuse which I have received from a certain quarter, both at the General Notwithstanding I have met these Conference and since, is, I presume, un- charges in my own conference, to the paralleled, at least in the annals of Me- full satisfaction of my brethren, yet, as thodism. My character by brethren in I am still published to the world sa high places has been made the sport of guilty of "palpable falsehoods," and that every wind. I have been charged by the through the columns of our central offihighest ecclesiastical body of the M. E. cial paper, and by a brother extensively Church, and through our official period- known, it becomes my duty to make a icals with "palpable falsehoods," and solemn appeal to facts and enter into a that too without the forms of trial! This minute examination of this whole affair. subject was investigated by the confer- Will you, dear brother, for my sake, and ence of which I am a member, inme- for the sake of truth, give your candid diately after the General Conference, and attention to what follows. If I am guilty my character for truth and veracity was of palpable falsehoods, I ought not to pronounced fair and unimpeached, by I remain in the Church; but if I am inbelieve a unanimous vote; but still those nocent, my innocence ought to appear. slanders are industriously reiterated and circulated by a certain brother, and a certain press. Have I not reason to complain?

ACCUSATIONS.

It is an easy matter to deal out wholesale charges, and support them by declamation, and then, in the excitement

WHY DID NOT REV. N. BANGS PROVE of the moment, vote them proved; espe

THE CHARGES.

cially where an offensive cause is to be put down by such means.

I ought, perhaps, to have made a full development of this whole subject at an It was easy for the Jews to prefer and earlier period. But I did not suppose support the charge of sedition, against that after it had been investigated by an the Saviour of the world. It was an easy annual conference, and I had been fully matter for the Papists to prove Martin acquitted, without receiving even the Luther a heretic. It was also easy for least censure, that I should still be hunt- the Episcopalians to prove John Wesley a ed like a fox upon the mountains. I did schismatic and fanatic. And I may add, not suppose that the same brother who it was an easy matter for 97 Methodist had charged me through the columns of preachers out of 150 to charge a pamphthe Christian Advocate and Journal soon let that they did not like, with palpable after the General Conference, with false- falsehoods! But with how much reason hood, and who was immediately notified they did this, will be seen in the sequel. to appear and sustain the charge, if he saw fit to do so, but who declined, stating in a letter to the Chairman of the Council, that he never intended to "charge me with the sin of falsehood;" and being himself present at the conference The following outline of my remarks where I was completely acquitted by the on the resolution condemning modern votes of anti-abolitionists, as well as abolition, was written out by myself, and abolitionists;-I say, I did think I had published in a pamphlet, entitled "An reason to expect better things of Rev. Address to the General Conference."

SPEECH OF REV. O. SCOTT. Delivered on the floor of the General Conference, Cincinnati, Ohio, May 12 and 13, 1836.

It is a mere outline, containing, howev-| IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION. er, all the principal points, in brief. "I next proceeded to show, that if Four or five hours had been occupied slavery be a sin, as I contended it was, by our anti-abolition brethren, before it ought of course to be immediately any abolitionist spoke at all; but before abandoned. The abolitionists mean, by the resolution passed, we claimed a hear- immediate emancipation, the immediate ing; and, by the request of the anti- cessation of the right assumed of properslavery members, I attempted to show ty in man. Not turning the slaves loose what modern abolitionism was, that the upon community, to roam at large withConference might understand what they out law-but the placing them under were about to condemn by the passage good and wholesome laws. They are not of a resolution which was then pending. now known in law except as goods and chattels-let them be emancipated into law.

SIN OF SLAVERY.

"I assumed the position, that the "Immediate emancipation is not, as principle of slavery, the principle some have supposed, an amalgamation which justifies holding and treating the of the whites and blacks. There is too human species as property, is morally much of this already: we would prevent wrong, or, in other words, that it is a it but should we cease to lift up our sin. The principle, I contended, aside voice against the most cruel oppression from all circumstances, is evil, ONLY through a fear that should slavery be EVAL, and that CONTINUALLY! abolished, some white woman might, at said, no hand could sanctify it-no cir- some distant period, happen to marry cumstances could change it from bad to a black man?

good. It was a reprobate-too bad to "Immediate emancipation does not be converted-not subject to the law of necessarily imply the investment of the God, neither indeed, could be. I ad- slaves with equal political privileges with mitted that circumstances might palliate, the whites; though it is believed that it and circumstances might aggravate, but would be difficult to show why the color no circumstances could justify the prin- of a man's skin should deprive him of ciple. If any circumstances could justi- his civil or political rights;-yet this is fy the right of property in human beings another question.

then we had only to change some of "The slaves may be free in a good the circumstances with which slavery is sense, though not admitted immediately connected, and it becomes universally to equal political rights. In the state of right-so that in that case, the sin would Rhode Island, though a man be worth a be in the circumstances. The abstract hundred thousand dollars, yet, if he does question was argued at considerable not possess real estate to the amount of length. It was insisted that slavery was one hundred and fifty dollars, he is not morally right or morally wrong, or that admitted to the polls; and yet we never it had no moral character. The first supposed this a state of slavery? and last of these suppositions I considered absurd; and contended, that He who has made of one blood, all nations "The abolitionists, in common with of men to dwell on the earth,' must look most of their fellow-citizens, believe that with disapprobation upon such a system our general government has the power of complicated wrongs, as American to abolish slavery in the District of Coslavery. lumbia, and in the Territories; and that,

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.

"I then attempted to show, that such if slavery be sin, it is a sin for which views of slavery among Methodists, and every citizen of the United States is reMethodist ministers, are not modern,' sponsible! But Congress will not abolby extracts from Wesley, Clarke, our ish slavery till the people call for it; and fathers in this country-and our breth- the people will not call for it, till they ren on the other side the Atlantic. And feel it to be wrong; and they will not these quotations show, that clear, plain, feel it to be wrong till they investigate it. pointed denunciations of slavery, are not "Hence the propriety and necessity of peculiar to 'modern abolitionism.' [The discussion. quotations are here omitted.]

"All right to legislate upon the sub

ject of slavery in the slave States belongs deeply involved. The groanings of the exclusively to the legislators of those prisoner call loudly for our prayers and States. The general government has no our exertions. It is a happy circumauthority to interfere with the political stance, that the leaders in this discussion relations of master and slave in the slave are generally ministers of the Gospel, States. who, in point of politics, have nothing to "The abolitionists would not counte- hope or fear. And while we disclaim nance any resort, by the slaves, to phys- all intention to interfere with the political ical force to obtain their freedom on relation of master and slave in the slave any account. They have been accused States, we will not cease to preach against of trying to get up insurrections among this great emil, because the laws of the the slaves; but it is FALSE! We do slave holding States sanction it; nor beindeed believe that any citizen of the cause the power of moral suasion may beworld has a right to oppose any sin, come so strong as to lead the people of the wherever it may exist, even though it be North to elect such representatives to legalized. If therefore slavery be sin, it Congress as will vote for the abolition is not only our privilege, but our solemn of slavery in the District of Columbia duty, to oppose it. and in the territories. We mean to lift

"We find it very convenient to apol- up our voice like a trumpet, and show ogize for the present race of slave hold- the inhabitants of this land their sins! ers, by saying slavery was entailed upon "We know it is an 'exciting subject,' us when we were British colonies; but but we have yet to learn that a good we are unwilling to receive any aid from cause should be abandoned because it England in getting rid of it. It is a produces excitement.

very delicate subject; and one with "Moses and Aaron produced exwhich foreigners must not intermeddle!' citement in the court of Pharaoh, when "Slavery will never be abolished by they contended for the rights and liberpeaceful measures till the subject shall ties of the Israelites;-when our fathers have been freely and fully discussed; asserted their liberties, and threw off the and that discussion, as a matter of British yoke, it produced great excitecourse, must commence in the North. ment.

It cannot be discussed in the South;| "The reformation under Luther, was we must therefore discuss it in the a very exciting subject. When the North, or not at all. But there are no seeds of Methodism were first sown, both slaves in the North! True; but there in Europe and America, the whole are 26,000 in the District of Columbia, community were excited. The temperand in the Territories. [Arkansas was ance discussion has produced great exthen a Territory.] citement in various parts of our country;

"Mr. President, we think we can and every revival of religion excites and judge as correctly respecting the char- irritates the community more or less. acter of slavery in the abstract, as slave We have never dreamed that so great a holders can. Nay; it is reasonable to change could take place in our country suppose we should be less likely to err as the abolition of slavery, without great than they; for we have no interest at excitement. When thecraft' of men stake. It is more difficult to judge cor- is in danger, they will be excited. rectly where interest is involved. It is not a very easy matter to see through a silver dollar!

DIVISION OF THE UNION.

But, if the North do not give up "Neither the rum-seller, or the drunk- this discussion, the Union will be diviard is the best qualified to judge of the ded." Who will divide it? The North sin of intemperance; nor are these the will not do this; and what have the persons to commence a temperance ref- South to gain by it? [If the South ormation! divide the Union, they lose, at that moment, all northern support in case of DUTY OF MINISTERS AND CHRISTIANS. insurrection: their safety now consists "As ministers and Christians, we in their union with the North. Let the ought to oppose this 'crying evil.' In South divide the Union, and make a war it, our church and our ministers are upon the North, they must support

!

either with white or colored soldiers. of gold and a Babylonish garment.' The If they march their white men against Methodist Episcopal Church has an unthe North, who will take care of their holy alliance with slavery; she ought women and children left in the hands of not, therefore, to give herself any peace the slaves at home? If they arm their till she cleanses the skirts of her garslaves, and march them out to fight the ments from blood guiltiness!' Shall abolitionists, who will guaranty their the dearest interests of undying millions allegiance to their master's cause? If be sacrificed upon the altar of the peace the Union is divided, will the line of of the church? But the church will be division be impassable! Will not the divided. And what will divide it? The servant be free from his master the mo- church is built upon a rock, and the ment he steps across the line? Can the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. division of the Union keep anti-slavery If, therefore, abolition is from beneath, publications out of the South? And the the church is safe; for the gates of hell moment the Union is divided, will not shall not prevail against it. And if abthe entire North, both church and state, olition is from above, (of which I have be abolitionists? Is it not the union of no more doubt than of the truths of the States, and of the church, which Christianity,) it will never harm the keeps up a spirit of slavery in the North, church. All future consequences to the and will the South sever that cord which Union and the church, are, at best, imbinds to them their northern apologists? aginary. They may be realized, and No, sir, never; unless they wish to has- they may not. Shall we then suffer imten emancipation. They may threaten, aginary consequences to determine our as they have ever been in the habit of duty, when we have a more unerring doing, but that will be all. They can rule? Had we always acted on this never be so blind to their own interests principle, where would the temperance as to divide the Union for the sake of reformation, and many other important destroying abolitionists? This would enterprises, have been? Imaginary cononly add new fury to the 'unhallowed sequences are a new standard of duty for flame,' as the brother from Baltimore a body of Christian ministers, and very calls it.] But, Mr. President, if aboli- unbecoming in the nineteenth century. tionism is constitutional, what pretext is there for a division of the Union? I take the ground, sir, that we are pro- "I come now, Mr. President, to notice tected by the Constitution of the United a few things which were stated on the States. Let us look at this subject for a floor of this Conference yesterday, and moment. And, 1. The Constitution then I have done. An aged and venerrecognizes the existence of slavery. 2. able brother from Baltimore, called the It permits continuance. 3. It secures abolition excitement an 'unhallowed servants to their masters, wherever they flame and this expression he has sevare found, if demanded. But, 4. It does eral times repeated on this floor. Now, not enjoin slavery as a duty. 5. It does sir, this same unhallowed flame has burnt not prohibit emancipation. And, lastly, off the chains from 600,000 goods and It guaranties the freedom of speech, chattels in the West India islands, and and of the press, and the right of peti- elevated them to the rank of human betion. Will the South divide the Union, ings! Abolitionism is one in all parts because we in the North are pursuing a of the world. We are not trying an exconstitutional course?

PEACE OF THE CHURCH.

THE UNHALLOWED FLAME.

periment-we are walking in a beaten track. Our principles have been fully tested and we have no fears as to the "But it is said that this abolition dis- final results. The day of our national cussion is not conducive to the peace of jubilee may linger, but it will come at the church. Suppose this were admit-last-and it cannot tarry long! Had ted; are there no interests to be con- it not been for the abolitionists, the sulted beside the peace of the church? 600,000 colored freemen in the West It may not, perhaps, be always best, that India Islands, had still been goods and the church be at peace. There may be chattels! And do you ask what the abease in Zion,' connected with a 'wedge olitionists have done? Let the 600,000