A. M. 2949. A. C. 1055; OR, ACCORDING TO HALES, A. M. 4341. A. C. 1070. 2 SAM. i-xix. would join all their forces together to recover her. And | Hector fell the city, which was soon reduced to ashes, and so, being left to choose whom she would have for her husband, she made choice of Menelaus king of Mycenæ, and brother to Agamemnon. Paris, one of the youngest sons of Priamus, king of Troy, upon the report of her beauty, came into Greece to see her, and was kindly entertained by Menelaus; but he soon took an opportunity to debauch his wife, and having robbed the husband of a great deal of treasure, found means to make his escape both with her and it. Menelaus, as soon as his wife was gone, complained of the injury that had been done him, to all the Grecian princes, and required the performance of their oath; which they readily consented to, and made his brother Agamemnon general of the forces, that were to be employed in this expedition. The Greeks, however, being unwilling to enter into a war, if matters could be accommodated by a treaty, sent Ulysses and some others, as ambassadors to Troy, to demand Helena, and all the things of value that were taken with her. What answer the Trojans made to this demand, we are nowhere informed; but sure it is, that the ambassadors returned back so very much offended with their ill treatment, that, in a short time, they fitted out a vast armament. | its inhabitants forced to undergo a military execution. But, how severe soever the Greeks might be to their conquered enemies, several historians have observed, that in their return home, they suffered almost as much misery as they had brought upon the Trojans. For this is the account which Thucydides gives of them." By reason of their long absence, they found many alterations when they returned, so that some of them were driven by their neighbours from their ancient seats; many were expelled their countries by faction; others slain, soon after their arrival; and others deposed from their kingdoms by such as had staid at home." Nestor and Pyrrhus got safe home indeed, but were slain by Orestes. Idomeneus and Philoctetes, upon their return, were soon driven away to seek for new habitations. Agamemnon was, upon his first arrival, slain by his wife, and her adulterer Ægisthus, who had usurped his kingdom. Menelaus, having long wandered upon the sea, was forced into Egypt, before he could return to Sparta. Ulysses, after ten years' peregrination, and the loss of his whole company, came home in a poor condition, and had much difficulty to recover the mastership of his own house. Ajax, the son of Oileus, was drowned; Teucer fled into Cyprus ; and Diomedes to king Daunus. Some of the Locrians were driven into Africa, others into Italy, others into Sicily, and settled themselves in such numbers in these parts, that Greek became the current language of this island, and most of the east part of Italy obtained the name of Magna Græcia. Thus the wise Ruler of the world was pleased to make one wicked nation the instrument of punishing another, But, whatever they severally suffered, the succeeding But there was an unhappy accident, which mightily retarded the siege of the city, and that was a difference which fell out between Agamenmon and Achilles. Agamemnon, as general, had the preoption of what part of the booty he pleased, and had then taken to himself a captive woman, the daughter of Chryses, the priest of Apollo, as Achilles, and the other commanding officers, had made choice of others; but, being obliged to give up the priest's daughter, in atonement for the pestilence that was fallen upon the army, he sent and took Achil-generations obtained this advantage by it, that the disles's captive from him, which so exasperated this gallant warrior, that, to revenge himself effectually, he took up a resolution, neither to fight himself, nor suffer any forces under him to engage; and this gave the enemy so great an advantage, that Hector, at the head of his forces, broke through the Grecian trenches one day, and set fire to the ships. In the midst of this extremity, Patroclus, the bosomfriend of Achilles, not being able to stand neuter any persion of the Greeks occasioned a fuller peopling of distant countries, by an accession of these new inhabitants: and the taking of Troy became, in some years, the settled epocha, whereby all that were acquainted with the story of it, might agree in their account of time. SECT. V. longer, begged of Achilles to let him have the use of his CHAP. I.-From the death of Absalom to the Building armour, and the command of his troops, in order to repulse the Trojans; which he bravely attempted, but, in the engagement fell by the hands of Hector, who took from him the arms of Achilles, and carried them off. This conjuncture Agamemnon made use of to be reconciled to Achilles; and to this purpose, sent him back his captive maid, with many very valuable presents, and made an excuse for his former behaviour as well as he could. Achilles, in order to be revenged for the loss of his friend, laid aside all resentment, and joined the Greeks in the next battle, wherein he vanquished the Trojans ; and, singling out Hector, never left pursuing him, wherever he went, until he had killed him. a With a Homer indeed gives us this account of the taking of Troy; but Virgil has informed us, that it was done by a large wooden horse, in which were enclosed several of the chief commanders of the Greeks; that the rest setting sail to the island of Tenedos, left Sinon to persuade the Trojans, that this horse was built upon a religious account, and was necessary for them to take into the city; that, by his craft and instigation, they pulled down part of of the Temple. THE HISTORY. As soon as David was informed of his son's death, all the wall for that purpose; and so the Greeks, returning on a sudden, and entering the breach, opened the horse, and seized on the gates, and burned the city. But another author, who per haps might know the truth as well as Virgil, gives us a different account of this matter, namely, that neas, Antenor, and Polydamus, having taken some disgust at king Priamus, agreed with the Grecians to betray the city to them, upon condition, that they might retire with their men wherever they thought fit, provided they did not settle in Phrygia. To this purpose it was concerted, that the Grecians should set sail the day before to the island Tenedos, as if they were quite gone, but return in the dark of the night, when the Trojans thought themselves secure, and so be let in at the Scaan gate, over which was a large image of an horse, which gave the first rise and occasion to all this story. b Troy was taken in the year B. C. 1183, and consequently just at the termination of Samson's administration. See Hales, vol. i. p. 216, and vol. ii. p. 257.—ED A. M. 2981. A. C. 1023; OR, ACCORDING TO HALES, A. M. 4375. A. C. 1036. 2 SAM. xix—I KINGS viii. the joy of the victory was turned into sorrow. The king | this: O my son Absalom, my son, my son Absalom, himself withdrew to a a private apartment, where he vented his grief in such a b mournful exclamation, as a The place to which David withdrew, in order to vent his grief, was, as Josephus tells us, (b. 7. c. 10.) to the top of one of the highest towers in the city; but the sacred history calls it 'the chamber over the gate,' (2 Sam. xviii. 33.) For the gate was a spacious place, and much of the same form with the forum among the Romans, not only the market for all commodities, but the place where all great assemblies of the people were likewise held. There were several buildings, where the chief magistrates sat to administer justice, (Ruth iv. 1, 2.) and where the other affairs of the state were transacted; so that it is not improbable, that this chamber over the gate, where David went to weep, might be some withdrawing room in the place where the privy counsel was wont to meet. (Calmet's Commentary.) The death of this favourite but unprincipled son, was a grievous blow to the heart of his royal father-and the intense anxiety with which he waited for intelligence of the fate of the day's engagement, and especially of Absalom, may be judged of from the position he occupied when the messengers arrived. To understand his situation, it is necessary to remind the reader that he was then in the provincial town of Mahanaim, in the tower that overhung the gates of which a sentinel was posted, as usual in cases of emergency, to hail the approach of any emissary from the seat of war. By this scout, communications of every thing important he discovered were ever and anon made to the impatient monarch, who sat in an adjoining chamber-one of those which served as halls of justice-and which, in ancient times, were always situated on the gates of the city. It was in this apartment, the nearest in the city to the scene of action, and commanding, from its elevated position, an extensive view of the country, that David watched, in the most painful suspense, the tidings of the civil contest that involved the fate of his crown. It was in this chamber at the gate, that, according to the practice of remotest antiquity on the most solemn occasions, he continued to indulge his pathetic lamentations over the death of his profligate son. It was out of a window in the same place of public resort, that when roused by the remonstrances of Joab, he returned his thanks to the army for their gallant defence of his life and his kingdom. And it was in the same apartments that he appeared afterwards before the people of the city, distributing justice to all who came with cases for his decision. That it was the practice of the ancient kings of Israel, as well as of other Oriental monarchs, to decide cases while sitting openly at the gate, appears from many passages of the sacred history; and, in many parts of the East, we are informed that the same practice prevails to this day. Mr Campbell describes an interesting scene of this nature at which he happened to be present. "While in Kurreechare," says he, a city twelve or thirteen hundred miles up from the Cape of Good Hope, he was told that a cause was going to be brought before the king. Being anxious to witness it, I was led in haste to the gate, where I saw the king sit down at the right side of it, with his secretary on his right hand, and the prosecutor, or complainer, on his left, who stated his case across to the secretary. During his narrating his case, the king was looking about, as if not attending to what was said, but I saw from his eyes that he was attending to what, for form's sake, was addressed to the secretary. When the party had finished what he had to say, the secretary repeated the whole to the king, as if he had been entirely ignorant of the matter, after which he pronounced his judgment. This picturesque description gives us a lively idea of the scenes in which the chiefs and kings of sacred history are frequently represented as placed among their dependents or their people; and accounts for the universal joy that pervaded the whole city of Mahanaim, when it was known that their afflicted monarch had resumed his daily custom of meeting with, and taking an interest in the affairs of the people at the gate of the city. Jamieson's Eastern Manners.-ED. 6 Nothing certainly can be more moving and pathetic, than the words which David utters upon this sad occasion; but whether it was David's deliberate wish, that he had died in Absalom's stead, or only the effect of his excessive love and grief for him, is not so easy a matter to determine. St Austin seems to be on the affirmative side, and gives this reason for it: -That Absalom died impenitent, but might have lived to become a better man; whereas, if David had died he had reason would God I had died for thee O Absalom, my sou, my son! And as for the army, instead of returning in triumph, they stole silently into the city, as if they had done amiss, and had lost, instead of gaining, the battle. This Joab perceiving, and being sensible that such excessive grief, at this juncture of affairs, would be of great prejudice to the king, went boldly in to him, c and expostulated the matter with him in terms that might perhaps be necessary on that occasion, but did not so well become a subject's mouth. However they had this good effect upon the king, that they roused him from his melancholy, and made him appear in public, to the great satisfaction of all his loyal subjects, but as he thought himself very insolently used by Joab, upon several occasions, from that time he made it his resolution to take the first opportunity of e dismissing him from being his general. Those of his subjects, who had appeared in arms against him, being now made sensible of the folly of their to hope well of his salvation: but this supposition, as I take it, is not so well founded, since there is much more probability that if Absalom had survived his father, he would have grown more profligate than ever, triumphed in his good success; insulted and persecuted all his father's friends; and proved a wicked and abominable tyrant. But whether David's wish was deliberate or no, it is certain, that his grief might be increased from this reflection, that himself, by his own sin in the case of Uriah, had been the unhappy instrument and occasion of his son's death; though some learned men have observed, that the oriental people were accustomed to express their passions with more vehemence than we, in these parts of the world are wont to do; and that the repetition of the same word, 'My son Absalom, O Absalom, my son, my son,' is a style proper for mourn ful lamentation. "To the stars we will extol thy Daphnis, Daphnis to the stars we will praise, for Daphnis also loved us." (Virg. Eccl. v.) "I am grieved for Adonis, Adonis the fair is dead, Adonis the beautiful is gone." (Bion. Id. 1.)—Patrick's and Calmet's Commentaries. c Josephus concludes the speech which he supposes Joab to have made to David upon this occasion, in words to this effect: -"Pray, Sir, does not your conscience, as well as your honour reprove you for this intemperate tenderness for the memory of so implacable an enemy? He was your son, it is true, but a most ungracious one; and you cannot be just to God's providence, without acknowledging the blessing of his being taken away. Let me entreat you therefore to show yourself cheerful to your people, and let them know, that it is to their loyalty and bravery that you are indebted for the honour of the day; for if you go on, as you have begun, your kingdom, and your army will most infallibly be put into other hands, and you will then find something else to cry for.'-Jewish Antiquities, b. 7. c. 10. d 2 Samuel xix. 8. And the king arose and sat in the gate.' The custom noticed in this passage appears to have been very ancient, and is found in other writings than the sacred books. Homer thus represents Nestor: The old man early rose, walk'd forth, and sat Odyss. i. 518.-ED. e For he had sufficient reason to think of depressing a man, who was grown so insufferably insolent and imperious. He had slain Abner most perfidiously in cool blood; had killed Absalom against the king's express command; in his late bold reproof had insulted over his sorrow, and, if we may believe Josephus, threatened to depose him, and give his kingdom to another. To such a state of arrogance will ministers sometimes arrive, when they find that their service is become necessary to their prince. -Patrick's Commentary. A. M. 2981. A. C. 1023; OR, ACCORDING TO HALES, A. M. 4375. A. C. 1036. 2 SAM. xix-1 KINGS viii. rebellion, became the forwardest for his restoration; but, | king's absence, until the king arrived: but when he was what grieved him much, his own tribe, the tribe of Judah, seemed a little indifferent as to the matter; which made him send to Zadok and Abiathar the chief priests, not only to remind them of their own duty, but to authorize them likewise to treat with Amasa, who though he had commanded Absalom's army was still a man of great authority, in the tribe, to offer him his pardon, and in case he would come fully into his interest, to promise him the generalship in the room of Joab. admitted into his presence, and the king seemed to be angry with him for not having accompanied him in his exile, he charged this seeming neglect upon the perfidy of his servant, and d set his case in so fair a light, that the king revoked the hasty grant he had made in favour of Ziba, and put his estate upon the same foot of possession that it was before. When David was passed the Jordan, he was willing to make all possible haste to Jerusalem; and, as the tribe of Judah was the first that came to conduct him home, he, very probably to gratify them, marched on without waiting for the great men of Israel, who, in all parts of the kingdom, were making ready to join him. This occasioned some hot disputes between the princes of Israel and those of Judah: and, as the king was loth to displease either party, and therefore did not care to intermeddle in the controversy, several of the tribes of Israel took an outward umbrage at this, which occasioned a fresh insurrection. Sheba, a Benjamite, e and not unlikely one of Saul's family, made public proclamation Thus all things conspiring to his happy restoration, the king left Mahanaim, and set forward on his journey to Jerusalem, when the chiefs of the tribe of Judah came to meet, and conduct him over the Jordan. Old Barzillai, who had been very kind to the king in his exile, and supplied him with provisions while he continued at Mahanaim, hearing that he was upon his return, came to take his leave of him; and see him safe over the river, and when the king in gratitude for his kindness gave him an invitation to go with him to Jerusalem, the good old man modestly excused himself, upon the account of his age, as having now lost the relish of the plea-by the sound of trumpet, that "since the tribe of Judah sures of a court, and desired rather to retire to his own estate, where he might spend the remainder of his days in quiet: but as he had a son, whose age was more proper to attend him, if his majesty would be pleased to confer any favour on him, the obligation would be the same; a which David promised to do, and so with much mutual blessings and salutations, they parted. Among the many others who came to meet David upon this occasion, Shimei the Benjamite, who not long before bad loaded him with curses and imprecations, came, b with a thousand men of his tribe to beg pardon for his fault; and when Abishai would have persuaded the king to have him killed, he resented the motion as an indignity put upon himself: and being unwilling to eclipse the public joy with the blood of any one, gave him his royal word and oath that he should live. Another remarkable person that came to wait upon David at this time, was the perfidious Ziba, with his fifteen sons and twenty servants. He had again imposed upon his master, and, when he ordered him to make ready his ass that he, among others, might go and meet the king, slid away himself to make his court first; so that Mephibosheth, being lame, was forced to stay at Jerusalem, where he had all along mourned for the a What David did for Chimham is uncertain; but as he had a patrimony in Bethlehem, which was the place of his nativity, it is not improbable, that he gave a great part of it to Chimham, and his heirs for ever; and that this was afterwards called the habitation of Chimham' in the days of Jeremiah, (Jer. xli. 17.) --Bedford's Scripture Chronology, b. 5. c. 4. b The reason why Shimei came with so large a retinue, was to let David see that he was a man of some considerable rank, and capable of doing him great service among the people, which might be some inducement to the king to grant him his pardon; or, very likely, he was one of the captains of a thousand in his own tribe, and might carry them along with him, to make the stronger intercession for his pardon.-Poole's Annotations. e The words in the text are, that he had neither dressed his feet, nor trimmed his beard, nor washed his clothes, from the day that the king departed,' (2 Sam. xix. 24.) These were some of the instances wherein the Jews were wont to express their mourning; and they are here mentioned by the historian, as cvidences of the falsehood of Ziba's information against his master, had engrossed David to themselves, they might even take him; and, since all the other tribes he had visibly deserted, their wisest way would be to stand to their arms, and in like manner desert him." Whereupon a great many of the other tribes followed Sheba; but the men of Judah persisted in their loyalty, and conducted the king to Jerusalem. As soon as he arrived in the city, the first thing he did was to declare Amasa his general, and since no one, who neglected himself to this degree, could be suppos ed ambitious of a crown. Not dressing his feet, may signify, either Jews were accustomed very frequently to do, because of the bad not cutting his toe nails, or his not washing his feet, which the smell which was natural to them, as well as the Arabians, and some other nations; and therefore his omission of this could not letting his hair grow negligently, and without any order. For but make him offensive to himself. Not trimming his beard was the manner of the Jews was, to cut the hair from the lip upwards, and what grew likewise on the cheek; but what was on the chin, and so backwards to the ear, that they suffered to grow; and not washing his clothes must denote his putting on no clean linen, but wearing the same shirt all the while.-Calmet's and Patrick's Commentaries. a Josephus brings in Mephibosheth pleading his excuse to David for not attending him, and expressing a grateful sense of his favours, in such like words as these:-"Nor has he only disappointed me in the exercise of my duty, but has been doing me spiteful offices to your majesty likewise: but you, Sir, are so just and so great a lover of God and truth, that I am sure your generosity and wisdom will never entertain a calumny to my prejudice. Our family has had the experience of your piety, modesty, and goodness, to a degree never to be forgotten, in passing over and pardoning the innumerable hazards and persecutions that you were exposed to, in the days, and by the contrivance of my grandfather, when all our lives were forfeited, in your power, and at your mercy. But then, after all this gracious tenderness, your superadding the honour of taking me to your table, a person so obnoxious in regard of my relations, as a friend, and as a guest, nothing could be either greater, or more obliging than this."Jewish Antiquities, b. 7. c. 7. e In the text, Sheba is called a man of Belial.' The expres sions' sons of Belial,' 'men of Belial,' and children of Belial,' occur frequently in Scripture, and seem to imply wicked, worthless men; those who refuse to submit to any restraint; rebels, licentious and disobedient persons. (See Deut. xiii. 13. Judg xix. 22. 1 Sam. ii. 12., x. 27.) The primary meaning of the word Belial, is uselessness, worthlessness, according to Gesenius, and the Septuagint renders the phrase avògis wagavepsi, lawless men. In the New Testament, Belial is applied to Satan, as the patron and epitome of licentiousness, (2 Cor. vi. 15.)—ED. A. M. 2981. A. C. 1023; OR, ACCORDING TO HALES, A. M. 4375. A. C, 1036. 2 SAM. xix-1 KINGS viii. to order him to get together a sufficient body of forces, | besiegers from off the walls, and desired to speak with their general. When Joab was come within hearing, Sheba had gone about all the tribes of Israel to see if he could prevail with them to take up arms against David; but finding very few, that, upon second thoughts, were willing to engage in his measures, he was forced at last, with the few forces he had got together, to shut himself up in Abel, a fortified town in the tribe of Naphtali, in the northern part of Judea. But Joab was soon at his heels, and having besieged the town, and battered the walls, was making preparations for an as-oracle to know the occasion of it, he was given to unsault, when a d woman of great prudence called to the a The people having been harassed in the late civil war, were not perhaps so forward as to engage in another. Some of them might not like to serve under a man who had lately headed a rebellious army against the king, and others might have conceived so high an opinion of Joab, as not easily to be brought to serve under any other general. Any of these things might very well retard Amasa's recruits, and yet he might be loath to make such a report to the king, for fear that it might diminish his authority, and make him appear not so well qualified for the office wherein he had placed him.-Patrick's Commentary. Not long after this, there happened a sore famine in the land, and the long continuance of it, which was for three years, made David suspect that it did not proceed from any common cause, but was inflicted by the immediate hand of God; and when he consulted the divine derstand, that Saul's cruelty to the Gibeonites, in slaying so many, contrary to the treaty then depending between him and them, was the cause of it. Hereupon David sent to the Gibeonites, to know what satisfaction they desired; and when he was told, that they expected seven of Saul's posterity to be delivered to them, he complied with their demand, and sent two sons of Rizpah, Saul's concubine, and 8 five of Merab, his eldest daughter, but Deut. xx. 10. b It was an ancient custom among the Grecians, to take the e In the beginning of this woman's speech to Joab, there is person, to whom they had any address to make, by the chin, or something that seems both abrupt and obscure. They were beard: it was the custom of the ancient Greeks, in their prayers, wont to speak in old time, saying, They should surely ask counsel to touch the chin, says Pliny, (b. 11. c. 45.) and even to this at Abel, and so they ended the matter,' (2 Sam. xx. 18.) according day, the Turks, in their salutations, do very frequently take one to this translation, the sense of the words is, "This city, which another by the beard, (See Thevenot's Travels, c. 22.) The thou art about to destroy, is no mean and contemptible one, but Arabians have a great regard to the beard: the wives kiss their so honourable and considerable for its wisdom, and the wise husbands, and the children their father's beard, when they come people in it, that when any difference did arise among any of to salute them; and, when two friends meet together, their cus- the neighbouring places, they used proverbially to say, We will tom is, in the course of their compliments, to interchange kisses ask the opinion and advice of the men of Abel about it, and we in this manner, (See Darvieuz on the Customs of the Arabs, c. will stand to their arbitration; and so all parties were satisfied, 7.) as the like custom is still preserved among the eastern people, and disputes ended." So that her words, according to this sense, the Indians, who take one another by the chin, when they would are an high commendation of the city of Abel, for its being a give an hearty salute, and say, bobba, that is, father, or bii, bro-place time out of mind, very eminent for the wisdom and pruther, as the author of the voyage to the East Indies relates. See Peter de Valles's Travels. c So insolent was Joab become, upon the presumption that David durst not punish him, that as he ventured upon this bloody fact, so he imagined, that though the sight of Amasa's dead body might stop the march of those that came by it, yet upon its being given out that he was again become their general, their love for him was such, that they would not scruple to follow him.-Patrick's Commentary. d It seems not unlikely, that this woman was a governess in this city; for though that office was most commonly occupied by men, yet there want not instances of women, as in the case of Deborah, (Judg. iv. 4.) and queen Athaliah, (2 Kings xi.) who have been employed in the administration of civil affairs. If she was invested with any such authority, she was the properest person to desire a parley with the general; and reason good she had to desire it, because she knew the present temper and fear of the citizens and soldiers, namely, that considering the imminent danger they were in, they were generally desirous of peace, and restrained from it only by Sheba's power and authority. -Poole's Annotations. dence of its inhabitants. But there is another translation in the margin of our Bibles, which seems to be more natural, and makes the woman speak in this manner. "When the people saw thee lay siege to the city, they said, Surely he will ask, if we will have peace; for the law prescribes, that he should offer peace to strangers, much more then to Israelitish cities; and if he would once do this, we should soon bring things to an amicable agreement; for we are peaceable people, and faithful to our prince." So that, according to this interpretation, the woman both modestly reproved Joab for the neglect of his duty, and artfully engaged him in the performance of it.—Patrick's Commentary, and Poole's Annotations. f This may seem strange, unless we suppose, as Josephus does, that when David consulted God, he told him, not only for what crime it was that he sent this punishment, but that he should take such a revenge for it as the Gibeonites should desire: and there was this farther reason for humouring the Gibeonites herein, because they had been modest under their sufferings, and never made any complaint to David of the injuries that had been done them.-Patrick's Commentary. g Michal is put in the text indeed, (2 Sam. xxi. 8.) but not by A. M. 2981. A. C. 1023; OR, ACCORDING TO HALES, A. M. 4375. A. C. 1036. 2 SAM. xix—1 KINGS viii. spared Mephibosheth, the son of Jonathan for the love which he had for his father when alive. These seven the Gibeonites took, and hung upon gibbets; and there they intended them to hang, until God should send rain upon the earth, for the want of this occasioned the famine. But Rizpah, being informed of this, had a tent made of sackcloth pitched near the place, for her to live in, that so, by the help of her servants, she might keep watch day and night, to fright away the birds and beasts from doing any hurt to the dead bodies. It was not long, however, before God sent plentiful showers of rain, so that Rizpah had the liberty to take down the bodies. And, when David was informed of this her pious care, he was moved thereby to take up the bones of Saul, and Jonathan his son, who, for five and thirty years before, had been buried under a tree at Jabesh-Gilead, and together with these seven sufferers of the same family, gave them an honourable interment in the tomb of Kish, the father of Saul, at Zelah, in the country of Benjamin. David, in the beginning of his reign, had so humbled the Philistines, that they were not able to bring any great numbers into the field; but still, as long as they had men among them of a gigantic stature, and such as were fit to be their champions, they did not cease to disturb the peace of Israel, insomuch that David, in the latter end of his reign, had four engagements with them. In the first of which, himself had like to have been slain by one of these monstrous large men, had not Abishai come timely in to his aid, and killed the Philistine; upon which occasion, it was unanimously agreed in the army, с mistake, as some will have it; for though Michal was not the wife of Adriel, but Merab; yet those children which Merab had by Adriel, Michal brought up; and the Jews observe, upon this occasion, that whoever brings up a pupil in his house, is in Scripture said to have begotten him. Nor is it in Scripture only, that this form of expression takes place, but in heathen authors likewise. For Agamemnon and Menelaus are called sons of Atreus, because Plisthenes, who was their father, being dead, he took care to bring them up.-Howell's History, in the notes; and Patrick's Commentary. a It was a positive law to the Israelites, (Deut. xxi. 22, 23.) that if any man was hanged, he should be buried before night; but the Gibeonites being not of that nation, thought themselves not obliged by that law. They are remarked indeed to have been a remnant of the Amorites, (2 Sam. xxi. 2.) and among them, as some have imagined, it was a barbarous custom in those days, as it certainly prevailed in after ages, to hang up men, in order to appease the anger of the gods in time of famine.-Patrick's and Calmet's Commentaries. b It is an obvious remark from hence, that crosses and gibbets, whereon malefactors were executed, did not stand high from the ground, since the dead bodies of such were in danger of being torn by carnivorous creatures; and what we may farther observe is, that it was an ancient custom for the relations of such as were thus executed, to watch their dead bodies. Thus Homer (Iliad, 23.) mentions Venus, as taking care of Hector's body; and the story of the Ephesian matron every one can tell.- Calmet's Commentary. c This is not a solitary instance. Taverner informs us, that the eldest son of the emperor of Java, who reigned in 1648, had six fingers on each hand, and six toes on each foot. And Maupertius, in his seventeenth letter says, that he met with two families near Berlin, where sedigitism was equally transmitted on both sides of father and mother. I once saw a young girl, in the county of Londonderry in Ireland, who had six fingers on each hand, and six toes on each foot, but her stature had nothing gigantic in it. The daughters of Caius Horatius, of patrician dignity, were called sedigita, because they had six fingers on each hand. Volcatius a poet, was called sedigitus for the same reason. See Pliny's Natural History, b. xi. c. 43; Dr A. Clarke.-ED. that the king should never more go into the battle, lest d life so precious should be lost. a In the other three engagements, nothing remarkable happened, but the death of four of these huge men, by the hands of some of David's chief officers; except we may mention here another valiant act, which might probably be done at this time. The Philistines' army lay in the valley of Rephaim, between David's camp and Bethlehem, where they had likewise a garrison. But notwithstanding this, upon David's intimating a desire to have some of the water of Bethlehem, three of his chief captains broke through the enemies' camp, and having drawn some water out of the well, brought it to David; but he, understanding at what price it had been purchased, even at the hazard of all their lives, would not drink it, but offered it to the Lord. About two years before David's death, whatever might be the occasion of it, so it was, that he was desirous to know the number of his people, and accordingly gave his chief officers orders to go through the whole kingdom, and bring him an account of all the people. Joab endeavoured to remonstrate against it, in a manner more modest than was customary with him; but the king's orders were positive; and therefore Joab, with other officers to assist him, beginning on the east side of Jor d The expression is very beautiful, and significant in the text, Thou shalt no more go out with us to battle, that thou quench in Scripture justly called the light of the people, (1 Kings xi. 36, not the light of Israel,' (2 Sam. xxi. 17.) For good kings are and Ps. cxxxii. 17.) because the beauty and glory, the conduct and direction, the comfort, and safety, and welfare of a people, depend upon them, and are derived from them.-Poole's Annotations. e It is commonly observed, by the Jewish commentators, that though David expressed a desire for some of the water of Bethlehem, because it was the place of his nativity, and the water not improbably very excellent in its kind, yet he did not do this with any intent, that any should venture their lives to fetch him it. In this action, however, they have remarked three wonderful things, namely, That three men could break through the whole host of the Philistines; and when they had so done, durst stay to draw water out of the well, and then carry it away with an high hand, through the same host to David. But they might have added a fourth remark, namely, That they attempted this at the gate of Bethlehem, where a garrison of the Philistines kept a strong guard.-Patrick's Commentary. The words in the text are, And again the anger of the Lord was kindled against Israel, and he moved David against them to say, Go number Israel and Judah, (2 Sam. xxiv. 1.) But in the original there is no nominative case at all. We find it however supplied in 1 Chron, xxi. 1. where it is said, that 'Satan stood up against Israel, and provoked David to number Israel.' But then, by the word Satan, there is no necessity why we should understand the devil properly so called, because any evil minister, or counsellor, that advised David to number the people, will answer the signification of the word as well. And that there was some such counsellor, who prompted David to this action, seems to be implied in these words of Joab. Now the Lord thy God add unto the people, how many soever they be, an hundred fold, and that the eyes of my lord the king may see it; but why doth my lord the king delight in this thing? (2 Sam. xxiv. 3.) Whereby it seems plain, that the matter had been debated in the king's council before, and that, though Joab was one who opposed it, David was more influenced by the persuasion of some other.-Le Clerc's Commentary.—Dr Boothroyd translates this passage as follows, "And the anger of Jehovah was again kindled against Israel, because an adversary stood up against Israel, and moved David against them to say, Go number Israel and Judah." This translation represents the meaning of the original as compared with the parallel place, 1 Chron, xxi. I. and gets rid of the difficulty involved in the received text.—ED. |