vote of credit on specified and approved services is not only usual, but frequently necessary, that the very services already voted should not be lost for want of money not 'sufficiently provided to complete them. This is the shape, form and usage of a vote of credit; the other shape, if shape it may be called, which shape has nothing distinguishable, resembles more a subsidy than any other practice which accords to parliamentary forms and usage; but if it is a subsidy, to what power or powers, or for what purposes is not known: all that appears in this transaction from parliamentary communication is, that at the opening of the sessions his majesty, in his speech from the throne, stated that he had received overtures for a negotiation of peace from France, which he declined to enter into, without communication with other powers with whom he had intercourse and connection, particularly with the Emperor of Russia. His majesty's message now under our deliberation (six months after) proves that this im portant business is not forwarder at this moment than at the opening of the sessions, probably not so forward, as the message conveys no hopes of communication to parliament on this important subject. The Emperor of Russia is not even mentioned, and the only circumstance which appears manifest is, that no continental power with whom his majesty has had connections, has within the last six months been suf ficiently inclined to promote his majesty's views for peace, as even to induce him to listen to the negotiations proposed by France, for no answer has yet been made to that power; nor have the powers with whom his majesty had connections before February shewed any greater dispositions to enter into his views respecting war, and we are now near the end of June: therefore after six months we appear to be in a worse situation than we were before as to negotiations for peace or allies for war, and less acquainted with his majesty's views and prospects of war or peace, and less able to forin the judgment necessary for the performance of our duty, if any thing of importance to the welfare of the state femains for us to do. Those who demand that the public purse (an .unalienable parliamentary trust) should be surrendered to the executive government, seem to think the request to be consistent with the rights, privileges, and honour of parliament, but affect to be shocked at the proposition of postponing prorogation, as infringing on the prerogative of the crown. If this is infringing the prerogative, all parliamentary advice to the king must have the same effect; but in the present case my noble friend's motion marks only that the essential VOL. III. 1805. Z z duty duty of parliament, to weigh the cause before they grant money, may be preserved inviolate, by a natural exercise of the royal prerogative of prorogation until the cause can be stated; it proves in the strongest manner the absurdity of the proposition made by ministers. If parliament could with any degree of propriety place such confidence in the hands of the most deserving minister who ever held the administration of public affairs, as to place so large a sum as nearly five millions of the public money in their hands unappropriated, and for purposes unknown, we might with equal propriety place any other unlimited sum, we might surrender for a term of years, or for ever, the disposal of public money into the hands of ministers, and reserve only the parliamentary disposal of roads and canals. It is impossible to make a distinction in principle between the present grant for unknown contingencies and a grant of one hundred millions to comprehend the whole supplies of the two next years. Future unknown occurrences in the state of Europe under the discretion of ministers would equally decide the application of both grants, and parliament would equally, in conceding either grant, surrender their privileges and those of the people, that the crown may act without them. Ministers may apply the sum so desired to any purpose, it may be to purchase a renewal of the glorious peace of Amiens, the recovery of Hanover, or it may be lavished in any of the exigencies of war, without the knowledge of our fleets or those of our enemies, certainly in the absence of the constitutional superintending control of parliament, whose prerogative is purchased by themselves with a surrender of the rights of the people into the hands of the king's ministers; an act neither legal nor warranted by any former practice, and which my noble friend's motion proves not to be necessary. It may not be proper to open to the public the state of the negotiations now pending: parliament does not desire it; but before it exercises its own separate functions, it ought and must be informed, and the constitutional mode is in the hands of the crown, who can prorogue parliament for a long or a short time at its discretion, and ministers ought to advise such measure if necessary, and not to apply to parliament for the surrender of the trust reposed in them. My noble friend's motion is strictly regular, and the proper answer to such an unconstitutional proposal, and I therefore entirely concur with him. Lord Sidmouth observed, that it was usual every year to grant a sum of money by vote of credit for services not specified nor calculated upon in the current services of the year. He He understood that the sum had been voted in this manner by the house of commons, and it now only remained to have the authority of their lordships to apply that sum to the purpose of subsidizing foreign powers. But the negotiations with them were in such a state that government could not make any communication to parliament during the present session, and therefore he could not agree to the amendment proposed. Charges had been thrown out against the present and the late administrations of their indisposition to foreign alliances; and the peace of Amiens was spoken of in terms of heavy censure. Now he could assure the house, that those who advised his majesty to sign that treaty, did so in the full persuasion that it was the best thing that could happen for their country; because they knew, if it should not be adhered to, that it would shew to the people of this kingdom, and the whole world, the real disposition and designs of our enemics; and that it would give revived energy to all our own resources and measures. This was actually the case. The non-observance of that treaty on the part of our enemy, procured for the government the ardent zeal of all ranks of people, and a disposition to bear with cheerfulness all the burthens which the war necessarily imposed on them. But these were not all the advantages derived from that reprobated peace. Such was the increase of the public revenue, that in twenty-five months after the treaty of Amiens a sum of twenty millions was added to the public income of the nation. A great increase had taken place in the army and navy in a very short time after the renewal of hostilities. In increasing the navy in particular, no exertion whatever was spared. We had now one hundred sail of the line in actual service, and our military establishment was in a state equally respectable. He could see no reason whatever for keeping parliament sitting from day to day. There was no necessity for it; because, if his majesty had any communication to make, which required their advice and assistance, he had it in his power to call the parliament together in the space of fourteen days. He therefore saw no pretence to interfere with the royal authority, but conceived it would go to establish a mischievous precedent highly injurious to the public service. Lord Holland declared that the whole of this business was coeval with the present war; for ever since it began, the house was told of negotiations carrying on, and nothing was yet brought to a conclusion. We were still told of pending negotiations, but could obtain no information concerning them. Votes of credit Z z 2 credit had been often given, but it was not usual to vote so large a sum as five millions. He thought it absolutely necessary for the parliament to continue at its post, and endeavour to extricate the country from the dangers that surrounded her; a task which ministers were unequal to. When the present administration was formed, he heard of great changes and improvements about to be adopted; but nothing was -done except giving the country two giants refreshed instead of one. But no one act had been done for the benefit of the country; nothing that could rescue us from our present dreadful situation. Lard Grenville expressed himself by no means surprised that noble lords on the other side had failed to give any thing like a satisfactory answer to arguments which had been adduced in favour of the amendment. They seemed to be conscious that no answer could be given. What, indeed, was the object of the motion of the noble lord opposite? That parliament should shut its eyes and ears to the conduct of ministers; should address his majesty to dismiss them from any farther attendance at present on their duty; and thus that five millions of the public money should be left at the disposal of ministers to expend in any manner which they might choose, without regard to the essential interests of the country. A noble lord had asked if the subject had been communicated by his majesty now for the first time, would he have been for opposing the address? If by this were meant to be asked if he would decline coming to the conclusion of at once taking the five millions of money out of the hands of the house, and putting it into the hands of ministers, he had no hesitation in saying, that he certainly would decline coming to any such conclusion. If, on the other hand, the subject were now for the first time started, he must say that he should be happy to afford every facility for entering into such negotiations as might be calculated to lead to a peace consistent with the safety of this country and the general interests of Europe. Great sacrifices, he was of opinion, should be made to procure the co-operation of continental powers, particularly of Russia. Till once he knew, however, the nature of the communications which had been going forward, and was in some degree made acquainted with the advantages which they might be likely to produce, he did not feel himself at liberty to say that five millions was no more than a recompence for the part that country was willing to take in the business. As an argument to shew that the amendment was was not necessary, it had been observed, that although parliament might be prorogued, it could be assembled again in fourteen days. This he admitted. But did it follow that it actually would be so re-assembled ? And was it not better for them to keep the hold which they at present had over this large sum, and not to give it out of their own hands? This was said to be but the usual confidence reposed in ministers, and it was insinuated that it would be wrong to express any want of confidence. This he was surprised at hearing from the noble lord who advanced it. He had the happiness about a year ago to concur in opinion with that noble lord, that nothing could be so necessary as for that house to express their opinion that no confidence could be placed in the then ministers. The result, he was happy to think, had been a compliance on the part of the king with the opinion expressed by the house; and there had, at the same time, been no symptom of despondency manifested among the people. No confidence was placed in that ministry, becaule they were not deferving of any. He declared he felt the fame to be applicable to the prefent ministry; they were almost entirely compofed of the makers of the peace of Amiens, where were fown the feeds which gave rise to he prefent war; feeds fown in fo fertile a foil as made it next to impoffible that it fhould not yield the fruit it had produced. There never was a tranfaction in which fo total a want of capacity, and of every qualification, was exhibited, as in the management of that treaty. They threw away the Cape, as if they had been eager to get quit of it; and could he place confidence in men guilty of fo enormous a crime? But it was not in the inftance of the Cape alone they had fhewn their total incapacity; they fromed a peace on fuch complicated terms as rendered the meaning of the different parts of it hardly intelligible; and having done fo, they recommenced hoftilities on fuch grounds as made the caufe of this country appear unjuft in the eyes of almost every foreign power. If there was nothing elfe this would be to him fufficient ground for not entrusting fuch unheardof confidence as that now required in the fame hands. The noble lord then proceeded to examine the ftate of our army and navy; the former, he contended, had been only apparently increased by a fort of hocus pocus transferring of the forces from one head to another. The latter, he faid, could hardly have been diminished, and during the war we had not to boast of a fingle naval triumph. These surely did. not |