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not confpire to give us additional confidence in our rulers. But there was another circumftance which had been alluded to, and had received no anfwer, which, independent of any other, was decifive on this point: Was it of no confequence that, at fo important a crifis, in which every thing effential to the fafety of the country was involved, instead of having a miniftry completely alive to the urgency of our fituation, we fhould have a fet of minifters completely difunited among the ufelves, and more anxious to difcover and take advantage of the errors of their colleagues than to watch over the operations of the enemy? Yet in fuch men, without knowing whom in particular, or how long they might continue to act together, was the houfe called on to repofe an extraordinary and unprecedented degree of confidence. His Fordthip declared that he thought no time ought to be loft in announcing to the whole of Einope our determination to act on fuch principles as were calculated for the general fafety, and beft fuited to that broad and liberal policy which would have for its bafis the independence and fecurity of the whole of Europe. If we could not procure continental powers on fuch terms to act with us as allies, our next object ought to be to propofe to negotiate before them in open congrefs, taking them as the umpires of our differences. When fatisfied that we were fincere in fuch a fyftem, we might foon depend on having peace on fair and equitable terms, or a vigorous co-operation in carrying on the war. If there could be any reafon for fuppofing an unwillingne fs in the powers of the continent to truft in our fincerity, we must look back to the treaty of Amiens for the caufes which gave rise to that fufpicion. We muft look to the perfons at the head of our counfels, as being, the great authors and caufes of that diftruft. To give effect to fuch a declaration, it ought to be the work of parliament, not of any private propofition, originating with the fervants of the crown. Thefe, he thought, were cafons any one of them more than fufficient to fhew the neceffity of the amendment.

The Lord Chancellor defended the peace of Amiens, as the foundation of all that patriotic zeal by which the country was now fo effectually defended. He asked if there was more wisdom fhewn in the negotiations at Lifle than at Amiens? At the time this treaty was made, we had no allies on the continent; we had loft them all during that very adminiftration of which the noble lord who fpoke laft formed a part. With what juftice, then, could that noble lord

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charge the late administration with having made a treaty by which we loft all continental connexions? As to the queftion now before the house, he maintained that government required no greater degree of confidence than had ufually been given, and that there was no neceffity whatever for continuing the feffion of parliament beyond the ufual period.

The Earl of Carlisle profeffed not to call for the whole information at the prefent critis; but only a part, to which he thought parliament was entitled.

An explanatory converfation then took place between the Lord Chancellor, Lord Grenville, &c.; after which

His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales faid that he had delayed rifing till that late hour, in expectation of the arrival of a noble relative of his who had been prevented from attending the houfe by particular circumftances. He rofe merely for the purpofe of ftating that that noble perfon had intended to deliver his fentiments on the fubject now before the house, in favour of the amendment, and in complete unifon with the fentiments fo ably delivered by his noble friend (Lord Grenville). He had no hefitation alfo in ftating that thofe fentiments were entirely fimilar to what his royal highness himfelf entertained.

The queftion was then put, when the houfe divided on the motion for the addrefs,

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The ballot for a committee to try the merits of the laft Middlesex election, was put off from the next day till Monday.

The house went into a committee on the distillery acts. Refolutions, containing certain new regulations refpecting the diftillation of fpirits in England and Scotland, when intended to be exported from either country to the other, were agreed to. The report was received, and a bill ordered accordingly.

Mr.

Mr. Peter Moore presented a petition from the clothiers of Yorkshire, Wilts, Somerfet, and Gloucefter, against the bill now pending for the fulpenfion of penalties affecting their trade. The petitioners were ordered to be heard on the report.

On the motion for the fecond reading of this bill for the fufpenfion of penalties in the woollen manufacture,

Mr. Brooke oppofed the bill, on the ground that it gave a monopoly to thofe who made ufe of the prohibited machines under favour of the fufpenfion,

Admiral Berkeley defended the bill. He hoped that, be fore the expiration of the fhort period for which it was to be in force (till ft May), a full arrangement would be brought forward by his majcity's government.

Mr. Peter Moore opposed the bill, which had only the fignatures of eighty-three manufacturers to recommend it, while the number of its opponents amounted to two hundred thoufand. The official proceedings, fo far as they went, coincided with the bill brought forward by his hon. friend (Mr. Brooke).

Mr. Brooke wifhed to take the fenfe of the house on the propriety of putting off the further proceedings on this bill till that day three months; but he deferred preffing the di vifion till another day.

The bill was read a fecond time, and ordered to be committed the next day.

Mr. Hufkiffon prefented accounts of the exchequer bills outstanding on the aids of the last year, and gave notice that a motion would be made with refpect to them in the committee of ways and means the next day.

Mr. Fofter prefented an eftimate of the compenfation to be granted to perfons in public offices in Ireland for 1805, for extra trouble.

The Irish civil lift bill went through a committee, in which there was fome converfation between Mr. Vanfittart, Mr. Sheridan, and Sir John Newport, on a claufe fubjecting the accounts of the expenditure of fums granted for fecret service to the approbation of the lord lieutenant. The claufe was agreed to, and the report ordered to be received the next day.

Mr. Hufkiffon prefented an account of penfions granted by the crown, and a copy of the warrant of the barons of the exchequer in Scotland, for granting certain arrears of the ftewardship of Fife to Lady Melville.

Lord

Lord Henry Petty gave notice that he would bring forward fome refolutions on this fubject early in the enfuing. feffion.

Mr. Alexander brought up the report of the committee of ways and means. Bills were ordered conformably to the refolutions for the appropriation of the furplus of the confolidated fund for the last year.

A meffage from the lords declared their lordships' affent to the lottery bill, the Spanish wine duty bill, the different bills relating to the militia of Great Britain and Ireland, and the fail-cloth manufacture bill.

Mr. Paull deferred till Monday his motion relative to the Nabob of Oude. He thought it proper to ftate particularly. that he meant the fame day to bring forward a distinct charge against the Marquis Wellefley, from the conduct obferved towards that prince.

LORD MELVILLE.

Mr. Bond wished to put a queftion to the hon. gentleman oppofite (Mr. Whitbread), the answer to which would probably prevent the neceffity of a particular motion. The houfe having inftructed the attorney general to profecute Lord Melville for the criminal matter imputed to him in the tenth report, he conceived it was not in the power of the attorney general to exclude from the range of that profecution any offence whatfoever contained in that report. If, therefore, it was proper that any particular tranfactions fhould be excluded from the profecution, it was fit the attorney general fhould be inftructed as to fuch exclufion. There could be now no doubt that the forty thousand pounds, advanced to Boyd and Benfield, was one point on which there could be no intention to profecute. He was of opinion that the cafe of Jellicoe alfo thould be excluded, as not of fufficient importance to be made a ground of charge. But as he recollected that the hon. gentleman oppofite (Mr. Whitbread) made it the ground of one of the articles of im peachment which he meant to have prefented, he afked that hon. gentleman now whether he meant it should make one of the fubjects of the profecution direfted by the houle? If the hon. gentleman did not think it should, and if no in ima tion of a contrary fentiment came from any other part of the houfe, he thought that would be fufficient to let the a torney general know that this allo was not to be included in the profecution.

VOL. III. 1805.

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Mr.

Mr. Whitbread had certainly confidered Jellicoe's business as of importance, and had made it one of the grounds of impeachment. He admitted, however, that it did not make the fame impreffion on the house, and therefore he doubted whether he fhould have produced that article. He had not any with individually that this matter fhould be included in the profecution by the attorney general.

The Attorney General trufted he should not fhew the flighteft difrefpect for any individual, if he wished that the houfe fhould honour him collectively with its commands, and that thefe commands fhould be diftinctively expreffed. ' If the houfe thought proper to fuperfede that jealoufy which feemed conftitutionally to belong to it, when one servant of the crown was to be profecuted by another, he supposed it would at least be thought proper not to leave it matter of queftion, how far the officer charged with the profecution fhould or fhould not comply with the wifhes of the house, in the fteps he may take. He trufted, therefore, that it would not be thought improper in him, if he wifhed, instead of collecting indifcriminately from the whole body of the reports, fuch matter as may be made the ground of criminal charge, that the houfe fhould fpecify what it thought proper. to be profecuted, and what it did not. He should alfo be glad to have the authority of the house as to whether the civil fit, he had been directed to inftitute against Lord Melville and Mr. Trotter fhould be wholiy fufpended, or whether he thould endeavour to carry it on against Mr. Trotter fingly; he faid endeavour, because a confiderably formal difficulty and delay would arise from fuing the one without the other. He alfo wifhed to know whether, if he proceeded civilly against Mr. Trotter, he was at liberty to make ufe of him as a witnefs against Lord Melville. Alfo, whether he was at liberty to bring in proof against Lord Melville what had fallen from him in that houle, at 'the bar, which he could not do without inftructions from the houfe, though he could be under no difficulty as to its being received in the court where the profecution was to be carried on. Thefe points he thought it neceffary to ftate to the house, not to argue. He had further to remark a dificulty which arofe from the practice newly adopted, of ordering profecutions to be immediately inftituted at the command of the houfe, rather than by addrefs to his majefty, praying his majesty to direct fuch a profecution to be inftituted. Under the former practice, if any difficulty

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