neceffary to refort to them, to court them. Some of them, however, were not to be found. Sardinia was now no more; and others were in fetters. But fuch as felt any with towards us fhould be fought after, and their fupport conciliated if poffible. There were powers to which minifters might look for aid, with fome hope of fuccefs. What they had done yet in this way they declined, perhaps very properly, to communicate to the house. But their declining to do fo, and the neceffity of the continental concert looked for, formed confiderations to thew that parliament fhould continue to fit to watch the manner in which the minifters fhould exercife the power vefted in their hands, and to receive the earlieft intelligence of the refult of their nego tiations. In the opinion of the noble lord, however, the want of confidence in minifters which, according to his judgment, the adoption of the motion would infer, was a juft ground of objection; because, as the noble lord argued, to refufe confidence to minifters at prefent would be to reduce them in the eftimation of the country, ftill more of foreign courts, and thus injure the progrefs of the pending negotiations. If fuch an argument, however, were admitted, it would operate for univerfal confidence in minif

But it became neceffary to take a courfe between two extremes, to take away from minifters a part of the power of doing good left they fhould do harm. It was one of the difadvantages of our conftitution, and of every other nation in which there exifted a popular affembly, that the government must have a limited confidence. This difadvantage, however, was more than compenfated by the advantages refulting from fuch an arrangement. But this was a difadvantage of which all minifters might equally coniplain, for all minifters were fubject to the fame control; and, in order to facilitate the exercife of that control, their powers were limited. To preferve this falutary control over the proceedings of minifters at the prefent important juncture, it was his with that parliament fhould not be prorogued.

As to the noble lord's quotation of precedents, of which he feemed very fond, the right hon. gentleman obferved, that the noble lord often reforted to them, where, in point of fact, they did not form a proper criterion. When the noble lord alluded to the army, instead of dwelling upon the peculiar state of the country, and its capacity to produce a large military force, he went back to other periods, and instituted a comparison between times and circumstances having VOL. III. 1805. 3 E

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no analogy whatever. But whethier, in constituting an army or demanding confidence, it was the noble lord's pleasure to resort to precedents, it however happened, that the precedent which he had quoted on this occasion could not avail him; for there were not merely " shades of difference," as the noble lord expressed it, between the circumstances under which the vote of three millions, in 1799, and those which existed at present; but they were essentially different. In the former instance the sum voted was not only much less than that now proposed, but the negotiation was actually concluded, and the line of proceeding clearly marked out, and our continental connections ascertained. How then, independently of any consideration arising from a difference as to our dangers, could a comparison be said to lie as to the two periods? There was, in truth, no equality, that could justify the application of the noble lord's precedent. Without recollecting all the details, there was, perhaps, one particular reason why that precedent was not applicable. It was rather probable that, although there was an individual in the present administration who also belonged to the administration of 1799, parliament and the country had much more confidence in the administration of 1799, than they were willing to grant to the present. Whether looking to the motion on the broad ground of public safety, or to the degree of confidence due to ministers, the right hon. gentleman decidedly thought that it ought to be acceded to. Parliament would desert its duty if it invested ministers with unlimited power at such a crisis as the present; if it left to them the whole management of public affairs-if it allowed a vast sum of money to be disposed of according to their discretion. If all this was to be submitted to, merely in order that prorogation should be preferred to adjournment, it must excite the surprise and discontent of the country.

The right hon. gentleman concluded with recapitulating his several arguments, and stating that the dangers of the country were such that, whether it was meant to continue the war or take a temporary refuge in peace, it was become necessary always to have in contemplation that we had to contend with an enemy who followed the ambition of the ancient Romans, without emulating their virtues (if virtues they could be called), who in fact entertained the same view of universal dominion. Into many topics of the noble lord's speech the right hon. gentleman declined to enter for the present, particularly that which related to the army, as an opportunity for fully discussing that subject would offer in a few days.

Mr.

Mr. Canning saw no advantage that could be derived from the adoption of the proposition before the house; or if the meeting of a parliament should at any time be necessary, it might be convoked with sufficient promptness and facility even after the prorogation. To keep the members in town at this season did not appear to him to promise any particular public good, while it might be productive of great public mischief. As to the sum proposed to be voted in consequence of his majesty's message, he could not see why his right hon. friend should assume that it would amount to five millions. The right hon. gentleman deprecated the idea of fixing a suspicion on his majesty's ministers, by adopting a motion so contrary to general custom as that before the house, and proclaiming to the country and foreign courts, that they were unworthy of confidence. What the gentlemen on the other side could propose to obtain by pressing this motion, and preventing prorogation, he confessed himself quite unable to comprehend. If it was their object to discuss and improve the state of the army, they would have a full opportunity of communicating their designs on Monday next, for upon that day the house was aware that a great authority was to come forward with. great military plans; in consequence of which the sessions might close with a new military system, that should do away all the blunders that had been heretofore committed-that should set a new military machine in motion quite free from blemish, and incapable of obstruction-that should, in fact, render it unnecessary for parliament, for years, again to consider a military. subject. (A laugh.) If it was the wish of gentlemen to inquire into the system of blockade as applicable to the escape of the Toulon fleet, with a view to attribute blame to ministers, he called upon them to institute the inquiry immediately, and they would find that Lord Nelson's fleet was more than adequate, in every respect, to the French fleet, of course, that adequate provision was made on the part of ministers in that quarter. The right hon. gentleman combated the various arguments of his right hon. friend in favour of the motion, and contended that two thirds of his hon. friend's speech made against the motion. From the motion itself, he saw no good that could arise; nor could he conceive it to have any other object in view, than to express a little spleen, and to proclaim an unfounded want of confidence in his majesty's ministers.

Mr. Windham stated, in explanation, that his meaning was, that parliament should continue to sit, and not vote the money required, until it should prove to be actually necessary; 3 E 2

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thus any improper confidence in ministers would be guarded against.

Lord Temple supported the motion of his hon. friend, and particularly argued, that, if his majesty was not yet in a situation that enabled him to make any communication to the house, respecting his foreign relations, they should at least continue to sit, and by that means be in the same situation as at the beginning of the session. What they wanted was, that they should not be out of a situation in which they might receive communications when ready to be made. The sum left at the disposal ef the minister, was no doubt great; but it was not the amount to which he objected-it was to the principle, which he regarded as unconstitutional and unprecedented. The vote of credit alluded to in the year 1799, was very different. There was in that case a specific object to which the money was to be applied. There was an existing alliance and an engagement had been formed; but here there was no precise object submitted to the house. The one was a real, the other an eventual expence. There was a great difference, he contended, between adjournment and prorogation. In the one case they were certain of the day of meeting; but in the other, whatever might be the situation of the country, whatever calls there might be for the distribution of the public money, they could have no control over it.

Mr. Fox could not reconcile it to his feelings to give a silent vote upon a question so intimately connected as the present with the rights and privileges of parliament, and the policy of the country; he should however endeavour to bring what he had to submit to the house within as short a compass as possible. The first point, he observed, was, that by the three last loans this country had added to the capital of its debt not less than eighty millions of money. This was a matter of grave consideration, considering the former burthens of the country to which this was an addition, notwithstanding the progress of the consolidated fund, and the salutary system of raising war taxes and providing for so large a portion of our expenditure within the year. With regard to the army of this country, he should touch upon it slightly, because that subject was soon to be discussed at large by an honourable friend of his, who was well qualified for that undertaking (Colone! Craufurd); and if that hon. gentleman had been thought sanguine as to his plan in that object, yet it must be allowed that the right hon. gentleman opposite to him (Mr. Pitt) was also sanguine in his plan, for he had made it one

of

of the great foundations of his attack on the late administration, with part of which he had afterwards joined, that they had not sufficiently provided for the permanent establishment of the army, and he had brought in a bill to supply that defect: that bill had been tried, and without being very sanguine as to the effect of the plan of his hon. friend, he might venture to predict, that if it should be tried, it would be as efficient as the bill of the right hon. gentleman for the permanent increase of our military force; indeed, the bill of the right hon. gentleman coming from a person so extraordinary in talents, reminded him of what was said by Dr. Johnson of the poem of Ossian. Being asked, from what man upon earth, but its author, could it be expected? Did he know any other man upon earth capable of writing such a poem? "O yes," said the doctor, "any man, any woman, or any child!" He believed this to be the true description of the bill of the right hon. gentleman for the permanent improvement of the army. With regard to the navy, he defended the statement of his hon. friend (Mr. Grey), and maintained that the want of information of our government, with respect to the Toulon and ' Rochefort squadrons, was much to be lamented; and he did not approve of the manner in which our naval force was disposed of in the Mediterranean, the faults of which he imputed not to any of the gallant officers, but to government, who gave them orders, and who provided the force. Upon the subject of Ireland, the noble lord (Castlereagh) had agreed to much of what had been stated by his hon. friend in the opening of this debate, and he agreed also with them both, that the state of Ireland was good in some respects; but when he used the word good, he used it in the sense to express the idea that Ireland was considerably amended from the condition it had been in: and here he must bear an honest tribute to the merit of Lord Hardwick, to whom much of the improvement of the condition of the people of that country was owing. This he should have no difficulty in saying, although there were points in the conduct of that noble lord, as lordlieutenant of Ireland, towards a relation of his (General Fox) while there, which met his disapprobation. However, he could not help lamenting that Lord Hardwicke, as he understood from pretty well grounded rumour, was not supported by that cordiality and union, in the administration of that country, which was essential to carry into effect any of the best plans of any government. He understood that some part of the system of that noble lord was opposed by another

noble