of the Bab. anaku, and zuru'u the Heb. zěroa', 'arm,' instead of katu; while other correspondents from southern Pal. explain the Bab. şişe horses,' kazira cattle,' risu 'head,' same heaven,' elippi 'a ship,' ina kati-su 'in his hand,' and arki-su after him,' by the Can. şûşi (Heb. şûş), makani (Heb. miķneh), rusu (Heb. rosh), saméma (Heb. shamayim), anay (Heb. 'oni), badiu (Heb. běyado), and akhrun-u (Heb. akhron-o). The Phoenician governors give baṭnu (Heb. beṭen) for the Bab. pante stomach,' mima (Heb. mayim) for mami 'water,' khaparu and aparu (Heb. 'âphâr) | for ipru dust,' and kilubi (Heb. kělub) for khukharu a cage.' Similar evidence is borne by the Can. words borrowed by the Egyptians under the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasties; e.g. markabute chariots,' 'agolte wagons,' hurpu (hereb) 'sword,' espat quiver,' shabud (shebet) staff,' supăr 'scribe,' baith house,' barkat pool, yum sea,' nahal brook,' 'ebete (ebed) slave,' gamal camel,' zaba' army,' na'aruna young men,' parzal 'iron' (cf. Lauth, Semitische Lehnwörter im Ægyptischen,' in ZDMG. xxv. 4, 1871). The Can. script at the time was the cuneiform syllabary of Babylon; the so-called Phoenician alphabet was not introduced till afterwards. The earliest known inscriptions in this alphabet are the Moabite Stone (B. C. 850), a dedication by Hiram of Tyre to Baal-Lebanon, which may be of the same date, and a single word on a piece of pottery found by Bliss on the site of Lachish at a depth of 300 feet. Judas of Gamala, who headed the opposition to LITERATURE.-Josephus, Wars of the Jews, IV. iii. 9, v. 1, VIL CANDACE (Kavdáên), queen of the Ethiopians, CANDLE, CANDLESTICK.-1. In AV candle' appears in nine passages of OT as the rendering of ner, and in eight passages of NT as the rendering of Aúxvos. In the whole of these passages, with two exceptions (Jer 2510, Zeph 112, but see marg.), RV adopts the more accurate rendering 'lamp' (which see). As indispensable to the furnishing of a simple table, a stool, and a candlestick (71, 2 K 41o). The article in question, however, is rather a lamp-stand (cf. Petrie, Tell el-Hesy, p. 104), and corresponds to the NT Xuxula, now rendered more correctly in the Gospels by 'stand' (Mt 5, Mk 421, Lk 816 1133 in RV). In Dn 95 is mentioned the candlestick or candelabrum of Belshazzar's banqueting hall. For the golden candlestick of the tabernacle and the temple, see TABERNACLE. One of the Tel el-Amarna letters was sent by Burna-burias, king of Babylon, to Amenhotep IV. of Egypt to complain of outrages committed upon his ambassadors in Canaan (Kinakhkhi). At Khinna-prophet's chamber' we find mention of a bed, a tuni ('Ain-Athun; cf. the modern 'Ain-Ethan, near Solomon's Pools, between Bethlehem and Hebron) they were attacked by Sum-Adda (Shem-Hadad), | the son of Balumme (perhaps Balaam), and Sutatna (also called Zatatna), the son of Saratum of Acco (Acre), the feet of one being cut off, and the face of another trampled upon. As Canaan belonged to Egypt, and its 'king' was an Egyp. vassal, Burnaburias calls upon the Pharaoh to punish the assailants and restore the silver they had stolen, otherwise amicable relations between Babylon and Egypt will be broken off. In another letter it is stated that Kuri-galzu, the predecessor of Burna-burias, refused the proposal of the Kunakhians, by whom the Can. seem to be meant, that they should revolt to him from Egypt. Another letter is from a king of northern Syria to the kings of Kinakhna, the servants' of the Pharaoh, asking them not to hinder his ambassador on his way to Egypt; while in a fourth Abi-melech of Tyre says he has heard from Canaan (Kinakhna) that the king of the land of Danuna is dead and his brother has succeeded him as king, and that his country is tranquil'; that 'one half of the city of Ugarit has been burnt and its troops have perished'; that 'the Hittite army has departed,' but that 'Etagama, the prince of Kadesh, and Aziru (the Amorite) are hostile, and are fighting against Namya- yizi.' Here Canaan seems to be used in a wide sense. ་ LITERATURE.-Movers, Die Phönizier (1841-1856); Pietsch- CANANEAN or CANAANITE occurs in Mt 104 and Mk 318 as a designation of Simon, one of the disciples of Jesus. The first is the correct reading, the Gr. Kavavaîos being the transliteration of INR (a late Heb. derivative from jealous). It is rendered in Lk 615 and Ac 118 by nλwrhs (zealot). The Cananæans or Zealots were a sect founded by 2. The custom, practised from time immemorial in the East, of allowing a house lamp to burn night and day, is the source of the frequent figure by which the continually burning lamp pictures the continued prosperity both of the individual and of his family (see Ps 1828 (29), thou wilt light my candle,' 1 K 113). Conversely, 'to put out the candle of the wicked' (Pr 2420, Job 186) is to make his home desolate and bring destruction on himself. This familiar metaphor is employed in the Apoc. to describe the fate with which the Church of Ephesus was threatened: 'I will remove thy candlestick out of his place' (Rev 25). A. R. S. KENNEDY. CANE.-See REED. CANKER.-As subst. 2 Ti 217their word will eat as doth a C. (yayypaiva, RV 'gangrene'). As verb, Ja 53 Your gold and silver is ced' (kariów, RV 'rusted'). The mod. spelling of the subst. is ' cancer,' which is found as early as the beg. of the 17th cent. For the verb, cf. Shaks. Temp. IV. i. 192 'As with age his body uglier grows, this and other terms to express the idea in question will be noticed. The history of the process whereby the actual Canons of the Jewish and the Christian Scriptures were arrived at will be more fully traced under the heads OLD TESTAMENT CANON and NEW TESTAMENTt Canon.. The conception of a C. virtually existed long before this precise term was employed. We have it wherever there is the notion of a collection of writings marked off as peculiarly sacred and as having a special Divine authority. Writings of the past would be likely for the first time fully to acquire this position when an age had come in which the living voice of prophecy was no longer heard. This view of them would not preclude the possibility of an addition to the number of inspired books at a future epoch of revelation. It is also to be observed, though to some this may at first sight seem strange, that a belief in a distinct class of writings of this kind was not incompatible with some diversity of opinion as to its extent, and with doubts on this subject in the minds even of those who were fully persuaded of the main facts. And this is true even of the time after the word C. was introduced. The idea of a C. no doubt gained to some degree in definiteness through controversies as to the writings which were to be held to form part of it. But in essence it was presupposed in those controversies; and their chief result was simply to fix more clearly and firmly the limits of the Canon. There was no exact equivalent for the word Among the Jews in respect to OT, but we have the idea clearly implied in the expression the Scriptures' es employed by Jews addressing Jews in NT (e.g. Mt 212, Jn 539, Ac 1824); and the word Scripture,' as used in the singular for a particular passage, also involves it, since each passage so named derived the binding force which is attributed to it from being contained in the body of sacred writings. So again, where Jos. (c. Ap. i. 8) makes a formal statement concerning these books and their number, the recognition of a C. is implied. And we have it also_in_the_collective words used in the Talm. for the Divine Scriptures, such as 7 ('reading,' from their being read publicly in the synagogue) and (the holy writings'). The Christian Church adopted the Scriptures of the Jews as her own. She also in process of time extended the idea of 'Scripture' to another body of writings, which in one or more groups were named along with those of OT. Pseudo-Clement of Rome's 2nd Ep. (c. A.D. 150) speaks of rà Bißia kal oi áñóσToλa (i.e. the OT and the apostolic writings). Fresh names, also, were introduced expressive of the fact that she possessed two such collections, or such a collection in two parts. Melito, bp. of Sardis, circ. A.D. 170, speaks of rà Tĥs Talaias dialnκns Bißia (ap. Euseb. HE iv. 26), 'the books of the Old Covenant' (or Testament). And we have evidence about the end of the same cent., in the writings of Clement of Alexandria and Tertullian, that the names alaià dia@nkn (vetus testamentum) and véа diα0ýкn (novum testamentum), the names that have become the most prevalent of all, had been transferred to the actual writings of the two dispensations. Tertullian himself preferred (see c. Marc. iv. 1) the term Instrumentum (of legal associations='documentary record or proof'). He frequently employs it, applying it sometimes to particular books, and sometimes separately to OT or to NT, but also to the Scriptures as a whole. From dia0kn the adj. évdid@nkos was formed; it occurs repeatedly in the writings of Origen and Eusebius, in a sense closely corresponding to 'canonical' (e.g. Philocal., iii. and Euseb. HE iii. cc. 3, 9, 25, vi. c. 14). Another description, δεδημοσιευμέναι γραφαί, ‘writ ings which have been made public,' used by Origen and others, needs somewhat fuller consideration. A certain vagueness attaches to it owing to the fact that these writings are contrasted with such as are 'apocryphal'; and while this word is common in the Fathers of the 2nd and 3rd cent., it does not seem ever to occur at this time with the precise connotation which it has since acquired. The original and fundamental signification of apocry. phal' was that of something withheld from general knowledge. But there might be various reasons for so treating different writings. There were soine among the Jews, as there were also some Christians, esp. in the Church of Alexandria, who were inclined to value highly lore which they considered to be unfit to be communicated even to all the faithful, and suited only for the study of the wise. But this tendency was never strong enough either among Jews or Christians to lead to the establishment of a class of writings regarded as authoritative and yet not imparted to all; and the spirit of Christianity in particular was wholly opposed to such reservation. All writings regarded as inspired were naturally included among the dednμooievμévai—those made the public property of the whole Church.' We have still, however, to ask what was meant by and implied in this publication,' and, as a further point, whether it could really serve to mark off the writings regarded as, in the full sense, authoritative from all others. The chief means of the publishing in question was the regular reading in the congregation. And no doubt this solemn reading served to impress upon the people generally the idea of the special authority of the books which they heard in this way; while the need of a rule for directing it may have been one influence which promoted the formation of the C. of OT, as it was certainly of NT. But it seems too narrow a view of the words nuorteveolai, or publicari, to regard them (as Zahn does, Gesch. d. Kanons, i. p. 134) as meaning little or nothing more than to be read in church. If the publication connoted by these terms was closely associated with the public reading, it was so because that act was the chief symbol of the general reception and acknowledg ment of the books by the Church, which had been informally arrived at, and which found expression in various habits of speech and practice. It must, however, further be observed that the fact of particular books being publicly read would seem to be often too inconsiderately taken as evidence that they were regarded as Scripture in the full sense of the term. It is not to be supposed that the public reading would necessarily be regarded as having the same significance, or that the rules for it would be conceived in the same spirit, everywhere and always. There might be, and in point of fact there were, varieties of custom acc. to differences of circumstances and of theological temper. At some times and places there would be comparative laxity, at others special strictness. The Muratorian C. (circ. A.D. 200, written at Rome or in the neighbourhood) reveals a disposition to exclude from public reading all works of secondary or doubtful authority. This might be due to the special genius of the Rom. Church, or to a sense of the need of watchfulness which the recent spread of Gnosticism and Montanism and the circulation of the writings of these sects had created. On the other hand, at the very same epoch, we find Serapion, bp. of Antioch, first allowing the public reading of the Gospel of Peter at a place within his diocese, though he knew very little of the work and held it in no particular esteem, and then afterwards forbidding it, when he became more fully acquainted with its contents, and found that it was doing harm (Euseb. HE vi. 12). Again, to pass to a later age. With Cyril of Jerus. in his catechetical lectures, delivered circ. A.D. 340, the class of books openly read in the church' is coterminous with that of those acknowledged | among all,' and is the opposite of apocryphal'; and he knows no third division (Catech. iv. cc. 33, 35). Athanasius, on the other hand, writing not long afterwards, but representing the usages of another Church, distinguishes between 'canonical books,' books that are read,' and 'apocryphal books' (Ep. Fest. 39, i. 768, ed. Bened.). And Rufinus at the end of the cent. distinguishes in the same way, and gives the name of 'Church books,' Ecclesiastici libri, to the second class (De Symb. cc. 37, 38). For further illustrations of some of the points here touched upon, and for the considerations which determined the inclusion or exclusion of particular books, or groups of books, the reader must consult the arts. APOCRYPHA, OLD TESTAMENT CANON, and NEW TESTAMENT CANON. V. H. STANTON. CANOPY (Kwvwπeîov, from κúvwy (Mt 234), gnat, mosquito). Originally a mosquito- net. The canopy of the bed of Holofernes, 'which was of purple, and gold, and emerald, and precious stones inwoven,' was taken by Judith 'from the pillars' as a trophy, and given by her for a gift (áváðnua unto the Lord (Jth 101 139.15 1619). Canopy' occurs also in RV at Is 45 'Over all the glory shall be spread a canopy' (AV'defence'). The Heb. is protection; elsewhere it means a bridegroom's (Pa 195) or a bride's (Jl 216) chamber. F. C. PORTER. CANTICLES.-See SONG OF Songs. The CAPER-BERRY (¿¿ 'ăbiyyônah, кáжwаρis, Ec 125). The authority of the LXX and of some of the Rabbis is in favour of the tr. caper-berry' RV, instead of 'desire' AV.-This is the fruit of Capparis spinosa, L., a perennial shrub, rooted in the clefts of rocks and walls, with straggling, more or less pendulous, branches, and orbicular to ovate leaves, 1 to 2 inches in length, and white flowers 2 to 3 inches broad. It grows in all the Mediterranean basin. The ripe berry is oblong to obovate-oblong, and 2 to 2 inches long. young berries have a pungent flavour, and are pickled as a condiment. The Arabs of the Sin. desert call it el-asaf, while the people of Pal. and Syria know it by the name kabar, which is manifestly a modification of κáарis. Like all pungent plants, it is stimulating to the erotic instinct. The idea of those who tr. "abiyyinah caper-berry' is that even this stimulant shall fail to excite desire. The principal Rabbi of Beirût assures me that the tr. of AV desire' is that of the majority of the Jewish commentators. In either case the object is the same, that is, to express the decadence of the bodily powers with the advance of years. We shall now be in a position to estimate rightly the amount of significance to be attached to, which here only has the sense of a canopy for the introduction of the words Canon, canonical, and canonised with reference to the books of Scripture; but we must first determine which of them was so used earliest, and when? Some have supposed that the employment of the adjective in this connexion preceded that of the substantive, and that it is to be traced back to Origen, on the ground that the epithets canonici and regulares are applied to the books of Scripture in portions of his works which we possess only in Rufinus' tr. No reliance can, however, be placed upon this argument, since these would be the most convenient renderings for such a word as évdiálŋkol, which, as we have seen, certainly belonged to Origen's terminology. Moreover, Rufinus renders this very word in passages of Eusebius, where we have both the original and his translation. The earliest instance which can be adduced of the occurrence of either kavov or a derivative in the sense now under consideration is in the Festal Epistle of Athanasius above referred to, written in A.D. 367. The participle kavovóueva is there used of the books of Holy Scripture. It seems, however, improbable that the verb xavovitev, or its parts, should have been so applied before the term kavov had been used of the books collectively. And a little later Amphilochius, the eminent bishop of Iconium, concludes a catalogue of them, which he gives in his lambi ad Seleucum with the words ouros ἀψευδέστατος Κανὼν ἂν εἴη τῶν θεοπνεύστων γραφών. The word, which originally meant a rod, and thence a measure, had been already applied in the sense of a rule or norm, and that variously, both in classical and ecclesiastical usage. It will suffice here to notice the phrase o kavov Ts aλncias, for the Church's creed, which had long been familiar. It has been questioned whether, when the word kavúv was first used in connexion with the Scriptures, the primary intention was to express the thought that they form the rule of faith and life for the Christian, or to denote the list whereby the contents of the Scriptures is correctly defined. The latter seems to be the true view. It is the simplest; and, moreover, it would be hard otherwise to explain the use of the verb kavovitev, which is applied both to particular books and to the books collectively. The other idea would, however, also be readily suggested to the mind by the associations of the word karwy. And accordingly we find Isidore of Pelusium, in the earlier half of the 5th cent., expressing himself thus: the Canon of the truth, I mean the Divine Scriptures' (Ep. 114). It will be perceived, then, that no essentially new point of view was implied in the use of the term Canon and its derivatives in connexion with Holy Scripture. At the same time it is noteworthy that they began to be employed at a time when special efforts were being made in different quarters to remove ambiguities with respect to, and to codify, the contents of the Scriptures. G. E. POST. CAPERNAUM (TR Kатeрvaоúμ, from which our English word is taken; but Kapapraoúμ, supported by BRDZ, etc., is undoubtedly correct, representing the original on).-This city is mentioned only in the Gospels, and derives all its interest from association with the life of Christ. To it Matthew applies Is 91 (Mt 413-16). After His. rejection at Nazareth, Christ made His headquarters in C., and it is called his own city' (Mt 91). Here only was it said of Him örɩ év oľkų éoriv-that He was at home (Mk 21). Peter and Andrew of Bethsaida (Jn 14) had settled in C. (Mk 129), and on the neighbouring beach they first heard and followed the Master (Mk 116). Matthew (Mt 99), or Levi (Mk 214, Lk 527), was here called from the place of toll.' Many miracles were wrought here (Mk 184). The following are specially mentioned, viz. healing centurion's servant (Mt 85, Lk 71); nobleman's son cured by a word from Cana (Jn 46); Simon Peter's mother-in-law cured of fever (Mk 13); paralytic healed (Mt 91, Mk 21, Lk 518); unclean spirit cast out (Mk 123, Lk 4). Here the lesson of humility was taught from a little child set in the midst (Mt 182, Mk 955.6). A famous discourse in the synagogue is reported in Jn 6. Over C., highly favoured but unrepentant, the heavy woe was pronounced, 'And thou Capernaum, shalt thou be exalted unto heaven ?— thou shalt go down to Hades' (Mt 1123, Lk 1015 RV). C., invariably called roles, 'a city,' was important position, held by a body of Roman an troops (Mt 85 etc.). It was also a customs-station (Mt 99 etc.). The commander of the soldiers thought it worth while to ingratiate himself with the people by building them a synagogue (Lk 75). | It was the residence of a distinguished officer of the king (Jn 446). But beyond the facts that it was on the seashore (Mt 413), and was in or near the plain of Gennesaret (Jn 617-21; see also Mk 653, Mt 144), there is nothing in the NT to indicate the site. Twice mentioned by Josephus (Vita, 72, BJ II. x. 8), neither passage is decisive. Tradition wavers between two sites, and a warm controversy has long raged over the question. The claims of 'Ain em-Madowwerah, the round fountain,' a large spring on the N. edge of Gennesaret, may be dismissed. There is nothing near it to indicate the site of a great city; and it waters only a small portion of the plain. The two serious rivals are Khân Minyeh, at the N.E. corner of the plain, and Tell Húm, on the shore, fully 2 miles nearer Jordan. The case for Tell Hûm rests chiefly upon the name, the size of the ruins, their position on the eastward road, and the testimony of certain travellers. It is suggested that the Arab. Tell took the place of Caphar when the city became ruinous, na falling from Nahum. This is an almost impossible derivation. A Jewish Rabbi, Tankhum, is said to be buried here. The derivation from his name is both easy and natural. An alternative derivation is suggested from the Heb. n='brown' or 'fireblackened,' of which Arab. Húm is an exact transliteration. Then Tell Hum=the black mound,' truly descriptive of the ruins, could only date from a time subsequent to the destruction of the city. Along this road only the eastern traffic would pass. The northern caravans never came this way. Jerome, Theodorus (532 A.D.), Antoninus Martyr (?), A.D. 600, and John of Würtzburg (1100), may be taken as favouring Tell Húm. Josephus, hurt on the Jordan, was carried to C.; but this was not necessarily the nearest town. He was evidently anxious to reach his headquarters at Tarichea (Vita, 72). It is much against Tell Húm that there is no fountain there; and nothing like that described by Josephus within about a couple of miles. On the other hand, there are many considerations in favour of Khan Minych. Gennesaret was a well-defined district, generally allowed to correspond with el Ghuweir, the little Ghôr,' lying along the N.W. shore of the sea (see Jos. BJ III. x. 8). The disciples started from the other side to go to C. (Jn 617). The waters being stilled, they were straightway at the land whither they were going' (ib. v.2). Matthew (1434) says they came to the land, unto Gennesaret.' (So also Mk 653.) Those who sought Jesus in the morning found Him at C. (Jn 624), and He addressed them in the synagogue. C. was thus either in or close to Gennesaret. This condition is met by Khan Minych; not at all by Tell Húm. Remains of an ancient city are found in the plain between Khan Minyeh and the sea; also on the adjoining Tell 'Areimeh, where probably a large church once stood. Standing at the junction of the two great roads which must always have united behind Tell 'Areimeh, that to eastward along the shore, and that to the north by Khan Jubb Yusif, it occupied a position of first importance in the district. All the traffic from north, south, east, and west passed through the hands of its customs officers. The spring of which Josephus speaks (BJ II. x. 8) may not have been actually in the plain. Certainly it was not 'Ain et-Tineh. At et Tabigha (Heptapegon?), on the edge of the valley beyond Tell Areimeh, rise several springs, one of great volume, the largest fountain in Galilee. An old aqueduct led the water across the vale, along the face of the cliff in a rock-cut channel, and into the plain at Minyeh sufficiently high to water a large area. Historical evidence is on the whole favourable to Khan Minych. Antoninus Martyr (600) is claimed on both sides; but the latter site is supported by Arculfus, end of 7th cent.; St. Willibald, middle of 8th cent.; Eugesippus, middle of 12th cent.; Brocardius, end of 13th cent.; Quaresimus, 1620, who says that a ruin, called in Arab. Minich, is the site of Capernaum. The absence of any reminiscence of the ancient name is a difficulty with some. But from the Talm. we learn that C. was, for the Jews, associated with the Minim, the name by which they designated the Christians, who were numerous in the city. The Húta of the Talm., 'the sinners,' are the sons of Caphar Nahum, and again these are identified with the Minim. Among the Jews, C. was the city of Menai down to the 14th cent. The name given to the inhabitants is probably preserved in Khân Minych. The balance of evidence is at present greatly in favour of this site. W. EWING. CAPH or KAPH (5).—Eleventh letter of Heb. alphabet, and as such used in the 119th Psalm to designate the 11th part, each verse of which begins with this letter. CAPHARSALAMA (Xapapσaλaμá), 1 Mac 71.— Apparently near Jerus. Kefr Silwan, the village of Siloam, is possibly intended. SWP, vol. iii. sh. xvii. CAPHIRA (A Kapiрd, В Пeiрá), 1 Es 51o.—A town of Benj., inhabitants of which returned with Zerub. In Ezr 225 CHEPHIRAH (7797, B Kapeipά, A -¿-); cf. Neh 729. See CHEPHIRAH. CAPHTOR (ņa, o'q, Xap0opielu, Caphtorim). -The_Caphtorim were geographically connected with Egypt according to Gn 1014; and in Dt 223 we read: The Avvim, which dwelt in villages as far as Gaza, the Caphtorim, which came forth out of Caphtor, destroyed them, and dwelt in their stead.' Here the Caphtorim are identified with the Philistines, who are stated to have come from Caphtor in Am 97 and Jer 474 (where Caphtor is called an 'isle' or 'coastland'). Consequently in Gn 1014 the words, whence went forth the Philistines,' must be out of place, and should follow Caphtorim instead of Casluhim. Caphtor has been identified with both Cyprus and Crete, but the names do not agree. Ebers (Egypten und die Bucher Moses, 1868) proposed to see in Caphtor an Egyp compound Kaft-ur, 'Greater Kaft' or 'Phoenicia,' and made it the coast of the Delta, which was thickly covered with Phoenician colonies. But this theory has been overthrown by the excavation of the temple of Kom Ombo in Upper Egypt in 1892. On the wall of the south external corridor is a series of cartouches containing the names of the countries supposed to have been conquered by Ptolemy Auletes and collected from older monuments of various ages. Among the names are those of Kaptar (Caphtor) and Kasluhet (Casluhim), each with the determinative of 'country' attached to it. Kaptar ends the first line, and is immediately preceded by the names of Persia, Susa, Babylon, and Pontus, while Kasluhet (followed by Zoar) is the fifth name of the second line, which begins with the inhabitants of the Sinaitic peninsula and northern Syria. The names, however, have probably been registered at haphazard, so that no conclusion can be drawn from their order. The Philistines seem to have entered Palestine in the course of the great invasion of Egypt by the northern nations in the eighth year of Ramses III Prof. Prášek combines this fact with the statement of Justin, that in B.C. 1209 a king of Ashkelon stormed Sidon, and that the fugitive Sidonians founded Tyre. The dates would agree very well. At any rate, the Pulista or Philistines are closely associated with the Zakkal (Teukrians?) in the attack on Egypt in the time of Ramses III., whereas the latter appear alone in an earlier attack in the time of Merenptah. From 1 S 304, Ezk 2516, Zeph 25, we may gather that the Philistines were also known as the Cherethites or Cretans, as the Sept. transcribes the name. In this case Caphtor must be identified with Crete, or at all events with some district in that island. Recent discoveries have shown that Crete was a centre of culture in the prehistoric age of the eastern Mediterranean, and Mr A. Evans has pointed out that it possessed a peculiar system of pictorial writing (see his article on Primitive Pictographs' in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, xiv. 1894). A. H. SAYCE. the king (1 S 916-RV prince or leader, LXX αpxwv); II. Captain represents three words in the NT (1) xiλiapxos-used vaguely of a military officer, and technically as the equivalent of the Roman 'præfectus' or 'tribunus militum.' One such officer was regularly in charge of the Roman garri. son at Jerusalem, which probably consisted of a CAPPADOCIA (Kawwadoxla), & large country in cohort of auxiliaries, about 1000 men in all. The the E. of Asia Minor, was formed into a Rom. commander would be a Roman citizen (Ac 2228), the province by Tiberius in A.D. 17, on the death of soldiers provincials (not Jews, but many of them king Archelaus. It was administered by a pro- Samaritans), who would receive the franchise on curator, sent out by the reigning emperor; and it discharge. Whether the word has the technical or was treated as an unimportant outlying district. the vaguer sense in Jn 1812 is not clear. (2) σTраIn A.D. 70, however, Vespasian united it with rnyós-used in Lk 22.52 and Ac 41 524. 26 of the Armenia Minor as one of the great frontier pro- captain of the Temple, together with his chief vinces of the empire, placing it under the rule of a subordinates, who are perhaps the same as the legatus Augusti pro prætore, who was selected by three 'keepers of the threshold' (2 K 2518, Jer 35*, the emperor from among the ex-consuls; and he and see Josephus, Ant. X. viii. 5). This captain stationed a legion (XII. Fulminata) at Melitene as (T, see (2) above) is mentioned Jer 201 (LXX garrison to maintain the defence of the Euphrates youμevos) and Neh 11", and is called in 2 Mac 34 line. At this period a great territory, ruled by | πроστáτηs toû lepoû, and in Josephus (Ant. XX. vi. 2, Antiochus Epiphanes of Commagene, lying be- etc.) σrparnyós. Probably he and his chief subtween the provinces Cilicia and Cappadocia, and ordinates are indicated by the term 'rulers' in including part of Lycaonia, was incorporated in Ezr 92 and often in Neh (o, LXX otpanyol or C.; and under succeeding emperors, especially aрXOVTES): see Schürer, HJP II. i. 258. The captain Trajan, the size and importance of the province was at least a Levite, and commanded a small were greatly increased, and more troops were body of police, probably themselves priests; and stationed in it. The commercial capital of the he had the duty of keeping order in the Temple, province was Cæsareia - Eusebeia Mazaka; the and watching there by night. (3) ȧpxnyós-He 21o military centres were Melitene and (after Trajan)-probably to be understood rather as author and Satala. Between about A.D. 76 and 106, both beginner than as commander in a fight (cf. Ac 315 Galatia and C. were placed under one gover- 531, He 122). nor. Jews in C. are mentioned in Ac 29, and implied in Philo, Leg. ad Gaium, § 36 (Mang. ii. | 587): a letter in their favour from the Rom. Senate to Ariarathes, king of C., about B.C. 139, is mentioned 1 Mac 1522: in the 3rd cent. after Christ and later, a great Jewish population in Cæsareia is alluded to in the Talmud. The easy road from Tarsus through the Cilician Gates tempted them onwards towards the N., to take advantage of the lucrative trade between Central Asia and the Black Sea harbours, esp. Amisus: the road passed through C. and Pontus (Ac 182). This trading connexion led to the early extension of Christianity over both countries (1 P 1'). LITERATURE.-Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, i. pp. 365-374; Ritter, Kleinasien, i. pp. 236-339, ii. 236-272; Ramsay, Hist. Geog. of Asia Minor, pp. 267-319, 346-356, 449 f., and the map in St. Paul the Trav. for provincial divisions; Neubauer, Géog. du Talmud; Th. Reinach, Numism. des Rois de Capp. W. M. RAMSAY. CAPTAIN.-I. IN THE OLD TESTAMENT.-The AV translates no fewer than 13 different Heb. words by captain,' and many of these words have other renderings as well. The RV has scarcely introduced much greater consistency. (1), often translated prince,' used especially of captains of thousands' (xíapxos), etc., and of the 'captain of the host' (apxoTpárnyos). For the captain of the host of the LORD' (Jos 514. 15), and for Michael your prince' (also Dn 10 etc.), see under GOD and ANGEL. (2) TH, the foremost officer, used of The captain of the guard (σrpатожеđáρуns, Ас 2810 TR and AV) would, perhaps, be the princeps castrorum peregrinorum'; it would hardly mean the 'præfectus prætorio,' whose title is never so rendered in Greek. But the sentence is omitted by RV following the best authorities: it is, however, an ancient Western reading,' and possibly records a real tradition. (See Mommsen Sitzungsb. d. kgl. preuss. Akad. d. Wissensch., phil.hist. Classe, 1895, p. 495, and art. PRÆTORIUM.) W. O. BURROWS. CAPTIVITY.-See ISRAEL. in CARABASION (Β Καραβασειών, Α -σιών), 1 Es 98. -A corrupt name of one of those who put away their 'strange' wives. It seems to correspond to MEREMOTH in Ezr 1036. The conjecture that it should be read κal 'Paßariúv is not supported (as is stated in Speaker's Comm.) by the Vat. text. H. ST. J. THACKERAY. CARAVAN, not used in AV, is given by RV in Job 618. 19 (nim cst.) for AV 'paths,' troops'; in Is 21" (ptep. of 7) for AV travelling companies'; and in Ezk 2725 The ships of Tarshish were thy caravans for thy merchandise,' for AV The ships of Tarshish did sing of thee in thy market,' taking from to travel (after Gesen.) not to sing. But Davidson doubts: The camel has been called the ship of the desert, but conversely to call an east-indiaman a caravan is too brilliant for the prophet.' See his note. In older Eng, however, |