generally agreed that the book may have been written in the reign of Manasseh, or in the early part of the reign of Josiah. Hezekiah, who had commanded all Isr. worship to be offered at the sanctuary in Jerus. (2K 18 22 213), commenced the policy of removing the high-places. Manasseh's reign reversed all that Hezekiah had done. It is thought probable that the composition of Dt was intended, in the days of Manasseh, to protest against the religious evils of that time, against the forms of superstition that had begun to find their way into Judah from Babylonia, as well as against the corruptions and disorders at the highplaces which presented a form of J" worship wholly alien to the teaching and spirit of the prophets of Israel. Such a work, written in the troublous reign of Manasseli, may well have been deposited for safety within the precincts of the temple. The description of its discovery leads the reader to suppose that the book was one that had been written some considerable time before the 18th year of Josiah's reign. The character of Dt agrees exactly with the spirit of Huldah's warning in 2 K 2216-20, where she speaks of the people of Judah having forsaken J", and burned incense to other gods, etc. cent. B.C. Thus 1 S 283 has been compared with Dt 18", Hos 414 with Dt 2318, Hos 510 with Dt 1914, Am 85 with Dt 25, Neh 21 with Dt 115, while 2 K 14 refers to the law contained in Dt 2418. But this line of objection assumes that the existence of the laws is contemporaneous with the composi tion of Dt, and it ignores the fact, which criticisn has clearly revealed and strenuously reiterated, that Dt contains and expands laws of very much greater antiquity than its own composition. In the following passages, in which the words of the prophetical writers have been_regarded as referring to Dt, it is obvious that Dt, as well as the prophets, refers back to the older law of Ex 20-23 : There are, of course, in Dt abundant allusions to offerings (e.g. ch. 12), tithes (1422-29), distinctions of 'clean' and 'unclean' (1215. 22 148-20), the 'solemn assembly' (168), law of leprosy (248), and kindred topics, which show the familiarity of Dt with the national religious observances; they do not exhibit acquaintance with the distinctive ordinances of P, although reference to them is necessarily made with technical terms. Certain words and phrases have also been adduced from the prophetical writers, which it is alleged must have been taken from Dt, e.g. Hos 511 The traditional view, that the work in its present form was written by Moses, is now generally recognized by critical scholarship as impossible. The fact that Moses is described in Dt 319.24 as having committed the Deut. legislation to writing, was, in former times, regarded as sufficient oppressed from Dt 2833; 813 they shall return to proof that the whole work came from his hand. The writer (Dt 319) narrates the fact that Moses 'wrote this law'; he also narrates the fact that Moses delivered farewell discourses to the people. There is no appearance of autobiography in Dt. There is no claim to Mosaic authorship for the whole work. A copy of the Deut. law is stated (Dt 3126) to have been committed by Moses to the keeping of the priests by the side of the ark.' Heb. laws went back to the founding of the nation under Moses. The name of Moses embraced the whole legislation, both in its earlier forms and in their later expansion and modification. The writer of Dt employed the nucleus of ancient law as the means of conveying the teaching needed by his time. The authority of Moses is invoked as impersonating the spirit of Isr. law in its later application, no less than in its original framing. Moses is made to plead with his people, and to show the abiding principles of the worship of J". Egypt from Dt 2868; 118 Admah and Zeboim from Dt 2922; Am 4o blasting and mildew from Dt 2822; 4" overthrow of Sodom and Gomorrah from Dt 2923; 57 wormwood from Dt 2917 etc. But the occurrence of such words and phrases is not sufficient to justify the claim for direct citation. They are expressions, most of them, which would quite naturally occur independently to the writers. Nor is there any means of showing that there is more probability of these writers having borrowed a phrase from Dt than of Dt having borrowed a phrase from them. Considering the resemblance of Dt's style to the writing in Jer and Kings, it would be more natural to expect Dt to have borrowed from Hosea or Amos than for Hosea or Amos to have borrowed from Dt. The Deuteronomic style in Jer, Jos, Jg, Kings, shows at once the influence of Dt; but there is no clear proof of the earlier prophets having been acquainted with Dt. is referred to the admirable treatment of it by Driver, in his LITERATURE.-For a fuller discussion of the subject the reader commentary on 'Deuteronomy' (International Critical Com mentary, T. & T. Clark, Edinburgh), in his LOT, and in his art. Deuteronomy' in Smith's DB; to all of which the writer with the same subject, to which reference may be made, are the of the present article is largely indebted. Other works dealing commentaries of Oettli and Harper, and Einleitungen of Riehm, Cornill, König, Strack, Kuenen, Holzinger; Cheyne, Jeremiah (Men of the Bible' series); W. R. Smith, OTJC; Ryle, Canon of the OT; Montefiore, Religion of the Ancient Hebrews; Wildeboer, Lit. d. 4.T.; Piepenbring, La Reforme et le Code de Josias,' in Revue d. l'Histoire des Religions, t. xxix. 1894. H. E. RYLE. DEVIL.- See DEMON, SATAN. DEVOTED THINGS.-See ACCURSED, CURSE. The work is that of a prophet, a religious teacher, not of a jurist or a statesman. In language, in thought, and in character, it is most easily understood as the composition of one who lived in the 7th cent., and who sought, by a dramatic' use of the last words of Moses, to recall his countrymen to a holier life, and a purer service of J". It has been objected that the allusions to the dwellers in Canaan, and to the Amalekites (71-5 2016-19), would be unintelligible and unnecessary at so late a period as the 7th cent. B.C. But the writer's purpose is to transfer himself to the age of Moses, and from that historic standpoint to appeal to the nation's conscience. If Moses were represented as speaking in the plains of Moab, it would be natural for the writer to make him refer to the Canaanites, and to introduce suitable local allusions. And the writer's argument was perfectly intelligible. If severity of the sternest kind was tradition-objects of your worship.' ally said to have been inculcated by Moses against the idolatrous inhabitants of the land, how much more was it required in dealing with those who, in Israel itself, had proved so faithless to J", in spite of the warnings of the prophets ! It has been objected that the substance of Deut. laws is alluded to in writings earlier than the 7th DEVOTION. - RV gives 'devotion' for AV prayer' in Job 15 (). In AV the word is found only Ac 17 as I passed by, and beheld your devotions,' Gr. rà σeßdoμara Sur, RV the That RV gives the meaning of the Greek there is no doubt. The same Gr. word occurs Wis 1420 (Vulg. deus, AV a god,' RV object of devotion'), 1517 (Vulg. quos colit, AV the things which he worshippeth," RV object of his worship'); Bel (EV the gods ye worship'); and 2 Th 24 (EV that is worshipped, RVm 'an object of worship'). Did the AV translators understand 'devotions' in the sense of objects of wor ship,' then? Aldis Wright (Bible Word-Book, p. 198 f.), after a with flashing weapons like dewdrops, hast the dew of thy youth' (Ps 1103). Thou E. HULL. DIADEM. This term (didonua) was applied by the Greeks to the emblem of royalty worn on the head by Pers. monarchs (Xen. Cyr. viii. 3. 13). It consisted of a silken fillet, 2 inches broad, of blue or purple, mixed with white, tied at the back of the head. Originally intended to confine the hair, and worn by all Persians, it became an ornamental head-dress, the king's being distinguished by its colour, and perhaps by jewels studding it. It was tied round the lower part of the khshatram (Heb. full discussion, concludes that they did not. He quotes, how ever, from Sidney, Arcadia (ed. 1598, p. 282 [ed. 1622, p. 2771), as follows: Dametas began to speake his lowd voyce, to looke big, to march up and downe, and in his march to lift his legges higher than he was wont, swearing by no meane devotions, that the walls should not keepe the coward from him.' The Oxf. Eng. Dict. gives 'an object of religious worship' as one of the meanings of 'devotion,' quoting the above from Sidney, Ac 1723, and a passage from Fletcher (1625), Double Marriage, IV. iv.: 'Churches and altars, priests and all devotions, Tumbled together into one rude chaos'; but says, 'this sense is not very certain, the meaning of the quotations being in every case doubtful.' As Wright points out, AV took the word from Gen. Bible of 1560; Wyclif (1380) having mawmetis'; Tind. 'the maner how ye worship your goddes,' so Cran., Gen. of 1557 (Whitting ham), Bishops; Cov. youre gods seruyce' (from Zurich Bible, euwre Gottsdienst); Rhem. your Idols.' But it has not been observed that Tomson's NT of 1576, which from 1587 onwards, Gr. Kidapis or Kĺтapis; see Rawlinson, Anc. supplanted the NT of 1560 in most copies of the Gen. Bible, has the marg. note: Whatsoever men worship for religion's sake, that we call devotion.' That note, which removes all doubt of this meaning from the word, was before the translators of AV, and they would have no hesitation in using an abstract word in this concrete sense: cf. Ac 1415 Gr. và μárasa, AV vanities, RV vain things. Coverdale has 'devotion' in Ja 128 for AV and RV 'religion.' J. HASTINGS. DEW (, tal).-i. The atmosphere is capable of holding in suspension a certain amount of aqueous vapour proportionate to its temperature under a given pressure. The greatest amount is taken up during the daytime; but on the approach of sunset, when the temperature is lowered, part of the vapour is precipitated in the form of dew, till the dew-point is reached. This process is enhanced in Eastern countries like Palestine, where the surface of the ground and the air in contact therewith are highly heated during the daytime, but where at night, and particularly under a cloudless sky, the heat of the ground is radiated into space and the air becomes rapidly cooled down. The excess of moisture in the air then gently falls as dew on the tender herb,' and sometimes so copiously as to sustain the life of many plants which would otherwise perish during the rainless season; or even, as in the case of Gideon, to saturate a fleece of wool (Jg 638). When the sky is clouded, radiation is retarded, and rain may fall. Thus rain and dew alternately benefit the vegetation; and to the latter agent may possibly be ascribed the presence of a beauteous, though dwarfed, flora amongst the waterless valleys of the Sinaitic Peninsula, which in the early morn sparkles in the sunshine, owing to the multitudes of dewdrops which have settled on the leaves and stems of the plants during the cool hours of the night. ii. Thus deprivation of dew, as well as of rain, becomes a terrible calamity in the East. On this account dew and rain' are associated in the imprecation called down by David on the mountains of Gilboa in his distress at the tidings of the death of Saul and Jonathan (2 S 11); and in the curse pronounced on Ahab and his kingdom by Elijah 1 K 171); as also by the prophet Haggai on the Jews after the Restoration (Hag 110) owing to their unwillingness to rebuild the temple. iii. In the Book of Job the formation of dew is pointed to as one of the mysteries of nature insoluble by man (Job 3828); but in Pr it is ascribed to the omniscience and power of the Lord (Pr 320).❘ iv. Dew is a favourite emblem in Scripture; the following are examples: (a) Richness and Fertility, 'God give thee of the dew of heaven (Gn 2728, Dt 3313). (b) Refreshing and Vivifying effects, 'My speech shall distil as the dew' (Dt 322); 'Like a cloud of dew in the heat of summer' (Ís 18). (c) Stealth, We will light upon him as the dew falleth on the ground' (2 S 1712). (d) Inconstancy; the goodness of Judah is as the early dew, it goeth away' (Hos 6'); Ephraim shall be as the early dew that passeth away' (ch. 133). (e) The young warriors of the Messianic king, ་ Mon. iii. 204 note), a tall, stiff cap, probably of felt, and of bright colours, which formed the tiara or turban of the king (Q. Curt. iii. 3. 18, 19; see head from Persepolis in Rawlinson, iii. 166). The head-dress of soldiers other than the king was soft, and fell back on the head (Suidas, Lexicon, Tiápa. See also the Pompeian mosaic of the battle of Issus, given in Ainé, Herculaneum and Pompeii). Later, the fillet was enlarged by broad pendants falling on the shoulders. The Persian diadem was adopted by Alexander and his successors (1 Mac 1'; Herodian, i. 3. 7). To the Greeks and Romans it was the distinctive badge of royalty, unlike the wreath, and is commonly described as white (Tac. Annales, vi. 37). Its presentation to Julius Cæsar was therefore specially offensive (Cic. Phil. ii. 34; Sueton. Jul. 79). Pliny (NH vii. 57) attributes its invention to Father Liber (the supposed Latin Dionysus), and it was long confined in art to him; but later artists placed it on the head of other deities. Diocletian was the first Rom. emperor to wear it permanently and publicly. Out of it. in combination with the 'corona,' the later royal crowns were developed. In LXX diáôŋua is used loosely to translate not only 'crown royal' (man Est 11 217) but 'pallium' ( Est 818 didonua Buoy Topppov) and tiara' ( Is 623. But not so in Job 2914, Is 323; in Zec 357 is tr. Kidapis, a rendering also given to the high priest's turban in Ezk 2131 (36) 28*, Lv 164). In 1 Mac 1o 13 it describes the strictly royal insignia for the head adopted by the Greeks from the Persians (diádŋμa Tns 'Aolas). In AV of OT, diadem is again used loosely for the high priest's turban (Ezk 211⁄2 nş¡y?), a royal tiara (Job 2914, Is 623 ) and a crown (Is 285 7p). RV more properly confines diadem to the last three passages, using 'mitre' in Ezk 2126, and also 'turban' in the marg. of Job 2914. But though thus the royal head-dress of the kings of Israel is not described as a diadem, there can be but little doubt that it was such (see CROWN). In NT the distinction between crown and diadem is accurately observed in the Gr. and in RV, but not in AV. Diadem should be read in Rev 123 131 1912, where it symbolizes respectively the empire of the dragon,' 'the beast,' and of the royal Christ. The phrase on his head were many diadems,' describes Christ's universal dominion (see CROWN; also for bibliography). G. T. PURVES. DIAL (ny, dvaßaßuol, horologium), RVm 'Heb. steps,' 2 K 2011, Is 388.—The Heb. word commonly denotes 'steps' (see Ex 2026, 1 K 1019), and is so rendered elsewhere in this narrative (2 K 209-11, Is 388; AV degrees). The 'steps' referred to are doubtless not simply the steps of the palace (so LXX, Jos. Ant. x. ii. 1), but formed part of some kind of sun-clock (so Targ., Vulg., Jerome on Is 388, and most commentators). According to Herod. ii. 109, the Babylonians were the inventors of the roos or concave dial, the yvw, and the division of the day into 12 hours. The introduction by Ahaz of a device for measuring the time may be regarded as a result of his intercourse with the Assyrians (2 K 1610.), but it is uncertain what kind of clock is intended. Some have supposed that it was in the form of a dial with concentric circles, and a central gnomon (Ges., Hitz., Keil, etc.); but it is doubtful whether n can denote 'degrees.' Hence it seems simpler to think of actual 'steps' arranged round a pillar or obelisk, the time of day being then indicated by the position of the shadow on the steps. Since in 2 K .c. it is regarded as possible for the shadow to go down or to return 10 steps, it is clear that these steps did not each mark an hour of the day, but some smaller period of time. In biblical Heb., indeed, no word denoting an hour is found; y first appears in the Aram. of Dn 46 (Eng. 19) 55. Our ignorance of the real form of the 'dial' of Ahaz renders precarious all attempts at explaining the phenomenon of the recession of the sun's shadow. Moreover, a discussion of the problem requires a critical comparison of the parallel accounts in Is and 2 K; and it must be recognized as probable on independent grounds, that our narrative is considerably later than the time of Hezekiah. Cf. esp. Dillmann and Cheyne on Is 381-8. H. A. WHITE. DIAMOND.-See STONES (PRECIOUS). us from coins, statues, and statuettes, the goddess appears as a standing idol, in shape partly human; the upper part of the body in front is covered with rows of breasts (symbolizing her function as the nourishing mother of all life); the lower part is merely an upright block, without distinction of legs or feet, covered with symbols and figures of animals; the arms from below the elbows are extended on each side, and the hands are supported by props; the head is surmounted either by a lofty ornament, polos, or by a mural crown, and something like a heavy veil hangs on each side of the face down to the shoulders; the figure stands on a peculiarly shaped pedestal, generally low on coins, but sometimes high; frequently stags accompany the goddess, one on each side. A similar representation of the native goddess is found very widely both in Lydia and in Phrygia. The Gr. colonists in Ephesus identified this Oriental deity with their own Artemis, on account of certain analogies between them; they represented her on their coins in the Gr. character, and introduced some of the Gr. mythology of the twins Artemis and Apollo; but they never succeeded in really affecting the cultus, which remained always purely Asian and non-Greek. The chief priest bore the Persian title Megabyzos, and in earlier time he had to be a eunuch; but Strabo seems perhaps to imply that this condition was no longer required, when he was writing (about A.D. 19). Some authorities think that there was a body of Megabyzoi in the ritual; but Canon Hicks seems rightly to argue that the title was appropriated to the single chief priest, who represented the divine associate of the goddess, Attis or Atys, whom she herself mutilated. A large body of priestesses were under his authority, divided into three classes (Plutarch, An seni sit per. resp. p. 795, § 24), called Mellierai, Hierai, and Parierai; ^and according to Strabo they originally had to be virgins. Some authorities seem to apply the name Melissai, Bees,' to them; and the bee is the most characteristic type on earlier Gr. coins of Ephesus. single priestess (lépeta) is mentioned in inscriptions, who was probably the head of the cultus and representative of the goddess. A DIANA OF THE EPHESIANS is the Latinized rendering of the name Artemis ("Apres Tv 'Epeolwr), by which the Greeks designated a goddess whose sanctuary was situated close to Ephesus. The situation and splendour of the temple, and the part that the sanctuary and its priests played in the history of the city, through the influence of the conservative anti-Greek party, which favoured the interests of the temple and the power of the goddess, are described under EPHESUS. The goddess, who had her seat in the rich valley near the mouth of the Cayster long before Gr. colonists had set foot on the Asian coast, had little in common with the chaste virgin goddess Artemis of Greek poetry and mythology. She was the impersonation of the vitality and power of nature, of the reproductive power which keeps up the race of man and animals in an unbroken series of offspring, and of the nourishing power by which the earth tenders to the use of There was also a body of priests (some wrongly man and animals all that they require to keep say a single high priest), to whom was given the them in life. She was worshipped, with almost title Essenes. The Essenes were appointed for a complete identity of character and image, over year only (Paus. viii. 13. 1); and they seem to have the whole of Lydia; and the Lydian Artemis been officials at once of the city and of the sanctupresents such close analogies with the Phrygian ary, for they allotted new citizens to their proper Cybele, and with other feminine envisagements of tribe and division, sacrificed to the goddess on the divine power in Asiatic countries, like the behalf of the city, and seem in general to have Cappadocian Ma, the Phœnician Astarte or Ash-guarded the relations between the State and the taroth, the Syrian Atargatis and Mylitta, as to suggest that these are all mere varieties of one ultimate religious conception, presenting in different countries certain differences, due to varying develop. ment according to local circumstances and national character. The old hypothesis that this widespread similarity was due to Phoen. colonists, who carried their own goddess with them to new lands, is now discredited: there is no evidence that Phoenicians ever settled in the Cayster Valley, still less in other parts of Lydia. The Ephesian goddess was represented by a rude idol, which was said to have fallen from heaven (Ac 1935)-a tradition which attached to many sacred and rude old statues, such as that of Cybele at Pessinus (said to be merely a shapeless stone), Athena Polias on the Athenian Acropolis, etc. In the representation which is familiar to In this place the rendering 'which fell down from Jupiter' (AV and RV) gives a wrong impression: the word dioTerous merely indicates that the image was believed to have fallen from the clear sky. In Eurip. Iph. T. 977, 1384, oupavou zionua is given ss the equivalent and explanation of διοτιτὲς ἀγαλμα. goddess. Various other bodies of ministers attended the sanctuary, such as the Kouretes, the Akrobatai, the Hieroi, whose nature and duties are obscure (the first two, perhaps, colleges similar to the modern dervishes, the last a Greek form of hierodouloi). There can be no doubt that the ritual was of an orgiastic type, and accompanied with ceremonial prostitution and other abominations: traces of the ritual and its accompaniments are collected in the works on Ephesus (which see); the Lydian ritual of the Mysteries, which are mentioned at Ephesus in inscriptions (Hicks, p. 147, CIG 3002; Strabo, p. 640), as well as in many other cities, is described in Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia (Ramsay), i. p. 91 ff., and the general character of the religion in Lyd. et le Monde Grec. (Radet), p. 261 ff. The epithets 'Queen of Ephesus' and 'great' or 'greatest' seem to have been specially appropriated to Artemis in Asia : 80 CIG 2963 C. τῆς μεγάλης θεάς Α., 6797, Εφέσου ἀνασσα; Xen. Eph. i. 11. p. 15, την μεγάλην Εφεσίων Α; Achilles, Tat. viii. 9. p. 501, “A. ʼn usyáλn Osos; Hicks, No. 481, 1. 278 as mayorns as A. Further, the expression μyáλn Apromis seems to have been a formula of an invocatory character: see the inscriptions given in Bulletin de Corresp. Hellénique, 1880, p. 430, from Lesbos; and in Ramsay, Hist. Geogr. of As. Min. p. 410, from Pisidia (cf. Hiyas Aré, id. Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, p. 151, No. 49, usyáλn “Avaitis; Mous. et Bibliotheca Smyrn, No. λ). It is therefore probable that the shouts of the excited crowd in the Ephesian theatre (Ac 1934) were really invocations to the goddess, as her worshippers repeated a formula familiar in her ritual (see Ramsay, Church in Rom. Emp. p. 138 f.). The Naol or Shrines of Artemis, which were made in silver by artisans such as Demetrius, and in other less expensive materials (esp. marble and terra-cotta) by the workmen of like occupation (TOUS TIP) Tà TOIMUтa ipyatas, Ac 1925), were first correctly explained by Prof. E. Curtius (Athen. Mittheil, d. Instituts, ii. p. 49 f.). They were not mere statuettes of the Ephesian Diana, for such could not be called 'shrines.' The worshippers of the goddess dedicated to her representations of herself in her shrine: a great city erected a great temple with a colossal statue of the goddess; private individuals propitiated her with miniature shrines containing embodiments of her living presence. The vast temple and the tiny terra-cotta shrine were equally acceptable to Artemis; she accepted from her votaries offerings according to their means; she dwelt neither in the temple nor in the terra-cotta shrine; she lived in the life of nature; mother of all, and nurse of all, she was most really present wherever the unrestrained life of nature was most freely manifested: in the woods, on the mountains, among the wild beasts. Her worshippers expressed their devotion, and their belief in her omnipresence, by offering shrines to her, and doubtless by keeping shrines of the same kind in their own homes, certainly also by placing such shrines in graves beside the corpse, as a sign that the dead had gone back to the mother who bore them' (Church in Rom. Emp. p. 125 1.). These small dedicatory shrines were not modelled after the splendid Gr. temple of Artemis; for the creations of Gr. art in sculpture and architecture, beautiful as they were, were never so holy in the estimation of devotees as the simple and rude types of primitive art and religion. The type most familiar to us from extant remains shows the goddess seated in a niche or naiskos, sometimes alone, sometimes accompanied by one or two figures (among them her favourite Atys). In the ruder examples, she sits in stiff fashion, holding in one hand the tambourine (v), in the other a cup (pan). Beside her are one or two lions. In some more artistic examples, she has laid aside the stiff symbols, and sometimes caresses with one hand the lion which climbs to her knee or lies in her lap. Sometimes the lion serves her as a footstool; in other cases two sit in stiff symmetry, one on each side of her throne. Works of this class are found very widely both at Ephesus and elsewhere, in marble and in terra-cotta; the examples in marble are usually marked by inscriptions as dedi catory; no examples in silver have been preserved, but naturally their intrinsic value led to their being melted down. The precise relation between this type and the Lydian type already described (commonly designated, wherever found, as the Eph. Artemis) has not yet been determined. It is highly probable that the whole class of sacred dedicatory objects fabricated by the artisans for use in the cultus of Artemis were designated by the generic term naoi, taken from the most common and characteristic type. LITERATURE.-See under EPHESUS. W. M. RAMSAY. DIBLAH (77), Ezk 64-Four MSS read Riblah (which is accepted by Cheyne, Davidson, Hitzig, Smend, Cornill, Siegfried-Stade, and Oxf. Heb. Lex.). It was near a wilderness, and this would suit for Riblah. It has also been supposed to be Beth-Diblathaim. There is a village in Upper Galilee called Dibl. See SWP vol. i. sh. iii. C. R. CONDER. DIBLAIM (0:277, A‹ßnλalμ), the father of Gomer, Hosea's wife. See GOMER, HOSEA. of DIBON.-1. ( in MT, but the spelling the Moabite Stone and Aaußer of LXX indicate that the had a consonantal value; see Driver, Notes on Heb. Text of Samuel, lxxxix.). A city east of the Dead Sea and north of the Arnon in the land which, before the coming of the Israelites, Sihon, king of the Amorites, had taken from a former king of Moab (Nu 2126. 30). The Israelites dispossessed Sihon, and the territory was assigned to Reuben (Jos 139. 17), but the city Dibon is mentioned among those built (or rebuilt) by Gad (Nu 328. 4), hence the name Dibon-gad by which it is once called (Nu 3345). The children of Israel were not able to retain possession of the land, and in the time of Isaiah Dibon is reckoned among the cities of Moab (Is 15). In Is 159 Dimon is supposed to be a modified form of Dibon, adopted in order Canon Hicks, Expositor, June 1890, p. 403 ff., takes a different view. to resemble more closely the Hebrew word for blood (Dām), and support the play on words in that verse. The modern name of the town is Dhiban, about half an hour N. of 'Ara'ir, which is on the edge of the Arnon Valley. It is a dreary and featureless ruin on two adjacent knolls, but has acquired notoriety in consequence of the discovery there of the Moabite Stone. See Tristram, Land of Moab, p. 132 f., Seetzen, Reisen, i. 400, and cf. MOAB. 2. A town in Judah inhabited in Nehemiah's time by some of the children of Judah (Neh 1125). Perhaps it is the same as Dimonah (Jos 1522) among the southernmost cities of Judah. If this identification be correct, it illustrates the passage Is 159 referred to in (1). Dibon-gad (Nu 3345 only); see above. A. T. CHAPMAN. DIBRI (777). —A Danite, grandfather of the blasphemer who was stoned to death, Lv 24". DIDRACHMA.-See MONEY. DIDYMUS.-See THOMAS. DIE.-To die by a specified form of death is a common expression; as Caxton (1477), Jason, 42: 'If I dye not of bodily deth I shal dye of spirituel deth'; and so Caxton, G. de la Tour, Gv v.: Your sone deyd this nyght of a good dethe.' Similar is the phrase Nu 169 If these men die the common death of all men'; and 2310 Let me die the death of the righteous,' and other examples in which the prep. is omitted. But the expression 'die the death' is un-English, and is prob. everywhere due to a literal rendering of the Heb. idiom. It occurs Sir 1417 the covenant from the beginning is, Thot shalt die the death' (Gr. Oaváтy áæоlavy, from Gn 217 thou shalt surely die,' Heb. no no, lit. dying thou shalt die,' LXX @aváry ȧπolaveîσte); and Mt 154He that curseth father or mother, let him die the death' (Gr. Oaváry Televráṛw, lit. let him end by death, Vulg. morte moriatur, Cov. 'shal dye the death,' after whom Cran., Gen., Bish., AV, RV; but Rhem. 'dying let him dye '). The phrase 'die the death' is not uncommon in Shaks., and is generally interpreted as meaning 'die the death appointed for the particular offence'; but it is probably a reminiscence of the phrase in Mt,* and means 'let him assuredly die.' Thus Mids. Night's Dream, I. i. 65— Either to die the death, or to abjure J. HASTINGS. DIET (fr. Gr. Slaira, mode of life, through late Lat. dieta) is used in AV in the obsol. sense of 'an allowance of food,' Jer 524 And for his [Jehoiachin's] diet, there was a continual diet given him' (700 og inge, RV allowance,' as AV in par. passage 2 K 250. In Pr 1517 the same Heb. is tr. dinner,' with 'portion' in RVm; in Jer 405 'victuals,' RVm an allowance'). The Eng. word is rare in this sense, and is not used in any previous version here. In the more usual sense it occurs Sir 3025 A cheerful and good heart will have a care of his meat and diet'; cf. Chaucer (Prol. 435)—— Of his diet measurable was he, For it was of no superfluitee, But of greet norissing and digestible.' J. HASTINGS. DIKLAH (P, Aekλá).-The name of a son of Joktan (Gn 102, 1 Ch 11), probably representing a nation or community. The Aramaic name for the river Tigris (Diklath) is practically identical with this form, and hence the conjecture of Michaelis, that Diklah signified the dwellers on Cf. Macbeth, IV. iii. 111: Died every day she lived,' a recol lection, no doubt, of 1 Co 1531I die daily.' that river, is not wholly improbable; we know, however, of no community so called, and the home of such of the Joktanidæ as can be identified with certainty is in Arabia. The word dakal (in Syr. dekla', palm') is well known in Arabic, and signifies dry dates of bad quality; as they possess no cohesive power, to 'scatter like dakal' is a proverbial phrase. The geographer Yakut knows of a place in Yemamah called Dakalah, where there were palm trees,' of too little importance to be connected with the son of Joktan; moreover, the corresponding form in Hebrew should be Děkālāh rather than Diklah. The names immediately preceding and following Diklah give no clue to its identification. D. S. MARGOLIOUTH. 6 DILAN (17), Jos 15-A town of Judah in the same group with Lachish and Eglon. The site is unknown. C. R. CONDER. DILIGENCE.-'Derived from diligo, to love, "diligence" reminds us that the secret of true industry in our work is love of that work' (Trench, Study of Words, p. 314). But as diligence has gradually forgotten the rock whence it was hewn, It has also lost some of its proper meaning. It is a synonym now for 'industry'; but formerly it was also a syn. for 'carefulness,' since our love of a work may express itself as readily in care or caution as in perseverance. Hence Wyclif's tr. of 1 Ti 35 If ony man kan not gouerne his hous, how schal he haue diligence of the chirche of God'; and Coverdale's tr. of Pr 423 Kepe thine hert with all diligence,' which is retained in AV and RV. Cf. Knox, Historie, 15: 'He declared what diligence the ancients took to try true miracles from false.' Diligent and diligently had the same range of meaning. Thus Job 425 Cov. I have geuen diligent eare unto the' (Gen., AV 'I have heard of thee by the hearing of the ear,' RV 'I had heard,' etc.-thus reversing Coverdale's meaning); AV 1611 Title, 'with the former Translations diligently compared and revised'; Shaks. Tempest, II. i. 42 "The harmony of their tongues hath into bondage DILL.-See ANISE. men... DIMINISH.-To diminish is to make less, and that primary meaning is alone in use now. We do not even use the word figuratively, 'to lessen the influence of,' 'belittle,' as Ezk 511therefore will I also d. thee'; 2915 I will d. them, that they shall no more rule over the nations'; Is 2117 the mighty shall be diminished' (RV'shall be few'); Ro 111 if... the diminishing of them [be] the riches of the Gentiles' (Td Tuа abтŵr, RV their loss,' Sanday-Headlam their defeat'). Cf. Argument of Ep. to Heb. in Gen. NT: For seing the Spirit of God is the autor thereof, it diminisheth nothing the autoritie, althogh we knowe not with what penne he wrote it.' Still less can we speak of diminishing one thing from another, i.e. withdraw ing or withholding, so as to cause diminution, as Di 42 Ye shall not add unto the word which I command you, neither shall ye d. ought from it'; Jer 262 d. not a word' (RVkeep not back '). So in Atkinson's tr. (1504) of De Imitatione, IV. ix. : 'Take from our hertis .. all that may dimynyshe vs from thy eternall loue.' J. HASTINGS. DIMNAH (71).-A Levitical city in Zebulun, Jos 2135. Dillmann, followed by Bennett in Haupt's OT, emends to 7, Rimmon (cf. 1 Ch 622, Jos 1918). J. A. SELBIE. DIMON, DIMONAH.-See DIBON. DINAH (7).-The daughter of Jacob by Leah (Gn 3021). The composite and very obscure narrative of Gn 34 relates how, when Jacob was encamped at Shechem, after his return from Mesopotamia, she was seduced by Shechem the son of Hamor, a Hivite prince. This outrage was bitterly resented by her full brothers, Simeon and Levi. Shechem was ready to prove his attachment by marrying the maiden, and offered to pay any marriage price or dowry that might be fixed by her family. To this her brothers consented, but only on condition that all the men of Shechem should be circumcised. This being conceded, her brothers made it the means of inflicting a barbarous revenge for their sister's dishonour, by killing all the men of the place on the third day, when the effects of the circumcision made them incapable of selfdefence. Both at the time and on his death-bed, their father Jacob (according to J) spoke of this act with indignation and abhorrence (Gn 340 495-7). It was, however, approved by later Jewish fanatics (Jth 92). (For the tribal significance of Dinah and the historical incidents which may underlie the above narrative, see SIMEON). R. M. BOYD. DINAITES (87, LXX Aeivaîo, Ezr 4o), a people settled in Samaria by Osnappar (i.e. prob. ably Assurbanipal). They joined with the other Samaritans in denouncing the Jews to Artaxerxes. The Dinaites have been variously identified with the Da-ja-êni, a tribe of western Armenia, mentioned in inscriptions of Tiglathpileser I. (Schrader); and with the inhabitants of Deinaver, a Median city (Ewald), or of Din-Sharru near Susa (Fried. Delitzsch). On account of the other peoples named in the same verse, the last view seems the most probable. See further Meyer, Judenthum, 39 f. H. A. WHITE. DINHABAH (1777).-The capital city of king Bela in Edom (Gn 3682-1 Ch 143). There is some doubt as to its identification. The name, which is accented so as to mean Give judgment' (Ball, Genesis, ad loc.), occurs in Palmyrene as Danaba or Dahbâna (83277); cf. Aaváßn in Babylonia, and see Dillm. and Del. on Gn 3682. It has been proposed by Neubauer (Academy, 1891, p. 260) to identify Dinhabah with Tennib. This is accepted by Tomkins (ib. p. 284), who further identifies Tennib with Thenib, E.N.E. from Heshbon, described in Tristram's Moab, p. 222. See further Hommel, Anc. Heb. Tradition, 223 n. J. A. SELBIE. DINNER.-See FOOD. DIONYSIA (Alovúσia, Bacchanalia, EV Feast of Bacchus'), 2 Mac 67.-A festival in honour of Dionysus. Dionysus is usually regarded as the god of the vine, but, as Frazer shows in the Golden Bough, he was a god of trees in general. As he comes before us in Greek worship, he is quite clearly a vegetation deity; but Jevons may be right in thinking that two cults have been combined,-that of the vegetation spirit and that of the wine-god Dionysus, the latter lending its name to the former, which at first was naturally nameless. The character of the god is to be determined, not from the myths told about him, which are tales invented to explain the ritual, but from the ritual itself, interpreted through comparison with parallel rites among other peoples. The festival was intended to celebrate the revival of vegetation in spring after the long sleep of winter. Not only to celebrate it, however, but by sympathetic magic to secure the fertility of the fields. This imitation of the processes of nature was associated with the wildest orgies and excesses, stimulated no doubt, in this instance, by the connexion of Dionysus |