Imatges de pÓgina
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what mysterious document, which purported to be a treaty signed between Austria and Prussia relating to the war in which this country was unfortunately engaged. He was not about to canvas the provisions of that ambiguous document at that moment, but he wished to ask his noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs whether he would lay a copy of that paper on the table of the House, accompanied, as he hoped it would be, with such despatches as might have been written to or received from Her Majesty's diplomatic agents abroad, in order to enable their Lordships to interpret the paper correctly, and to show the views by which the document was regarded by this and by other Governments. It appeared to him that there was much doubt and difficulty as to the real purport and bearing of the alliance said to have been entered into. It appeared to him that the paper had as much direction in the way of defence against the Western Powers as it had against Russia. It was true the treaty contained an article which specified certain contingencies in the event of any of which Austria and Prussia were prepared to enter into hostilities against Russia; but those contingencies were now of such an absurd nature that it appeared ridiculous to put them into a serious and important State document. Those contingencies were, that in case the Russian army should cross the Balkan, or should continue to occupy the Danubian Principalities for an indefinite period of time, or should attempt the annexation of those Principalities to Russia-in the event of any of those contingencies taking place, then Austria and Prussia would be prepared to take up arms to resist any such acts. The first of those contingencies appeared to him to be perfectly absurd, inasmuch as it could scarcely come to pass that the Russian army would be able to cross the Balkan. They might as well talk of their crossing the Alps or the Apenuines, inasmuch as, being only yet opposed to the Turks, they had not been able to make the least approach to the accomplishment of such an advance. The other contingencies appeared to him to be equally absurd, and they none of them pointed out or explained the real animus of the treaty. But it was rumoured that a protocol had been lately signed at Vienna by the representatives of the Four Powers, and it was possible that that document might be of a more important character The Marquess of Clanricarde

than the protocols which had preceded it. Judging, however, from the terms in which it was described it appeared to be little more than a repetition of an abstract proposition, which had been made before, and he had almost said of an abstract truism, with respect to the nature of the contest in which this country was engaged; but it did not pledge any party to it, nor did it insure any effective co-operation on the part of Austria and Prussia with France and England in that contest. He would ask his noble Friend to lay that Protocol also on the table of the House, accompanied, as he hoped it would be, with despatches on the subject; because, if they were to have any information at all, he thought it important that their Lordships should have the fullest that could be given with respect to these matters. What had already appeared in the published papers was little calculated to afford information on the events now passing, as the last despatch laid before Parliament was of the date of March 6, from Vienna. There was another very important subject on which he wished to say a few words. He hoped the noble Earl would inform the House when he would be able to lay upon the table those papers which he believed had been promised to be produced in the other House of Parliament-he meant with respect to our relations with Greece. He believed it was a matter of notoriety-at least, it was very currently reported in the streets of Paris and of London-that an expedition had sailed both from this country and France for the purpose of occupying the Greek territories. Such an occupation by France and England, whether separately or conjointly, appeared to him to be a matter of grave consideration; but he did not intend to enter into it at the present moment; at the same time it was so grave and delicate a subject that it deserved the fullest consideration of Parliament. He hoped his noble Friend would be able to state that it would soon be in his power to explain what were the objects of that expedition, and whether or not those objects were defined and recorded in some official document. He for one should rejoice that such an expedition had taken place. There was yet another point which had an important bearing on the conduct of the war, if it were fact. It had been reported in the newspapers that Russia had concluded a treaty with Persia and other Eastern Powers. If the rumour was true,

he apprehended Her Majesty's Govern- reluctantly adopted towards Greece by Her ment must have had some information Majesty's Government, in concert with the upon the subject from our diplomatic agent at the Court of Teheran. The last time he had occasion to notice the case of Persia, it appeared that our diplomatic agent stationed at the Court of Teheran was absent, and that his post was filled by a subordinate officer attached to the embassy. He thought it was of the highest importance that a person of experience, character, and intelligence should, at this moment particularly, be in that part of the world, because the relations of Russia with those Eastern Powers were matter of most serious consideration. He should be glad, therefore, if his noble Friend could tell the House whether he had reason to believe that there was any truth in the report that Russia had entered into a treaty with Persia?

Government of France-certainly not before it was called for. With respect to Persia, I would, in the first place, say that Colonel Sheil has not been withdrawn from the Court of Teheran, but that he is absent for the recovery of his health. But Her Majesty's representative in Persia, during his absence, Mr. Thomson, our Chargé d'Affaires at the Persian Court, is a person of great experience, and of great zeal and intelligence, and we have every reason to be satisfied with the manner in which he has conducted the affairs of Her Majesty's Government there during the unavoidable absence of Colonel Sheil. I have no reason to believe, from the intelligence which we have received either from Persia or from India, that such a treaty as that to which my noble Friend has alluded, or which has been mentioned in the papers, has been concluded between Russia and Persia. The last engagement we know of as having been entered into by Persia was a declaration of neutrality-a neutrality based on the ground of a determination by Persia not to vex or harass Turkey in her war with Russia; and for that purpose Persia has suspended all claims, some of them most just, which she has on Turkey. We have heard that the Russians have advanced to a small place on the Sirr, but

THE EARL OF CLARENDON: In answer to the first question of my noble Friend, respecting the convention that has been lately concluded between Austria and Prussia, I have only to say that the negotiations which were carried on during a considerable length of time between those two Powers were kept a profound secret from this and other Governments, and the treaty was only communicated to us confidentially after the ratifications had been exchanged. That treaty has since been communicated to the Conference at Vienna, we have no reason to believe that any at the same time that the convention en-treaty has been concluded between the tered into between Her Majesty's Govern- Czar and Persia, or between him and the ment and the Government of the Emperor Government of Bokhara and Khiva. of the French and the Ottoman Porte was communicated to the Conference. That UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE. communication took place on the 23rd of LORD LYNDHURST presented a petithis month, and a protocol annexing the tion from the chancellor, masters, and two conventions together was signed on scholars of the University of Cambridge, the same day. That protocol has not yet that the two canonries in the Cathedral of been received in this country, but as soon Ely, mentioned in the 3rd and 4th of Vicas it is it shall be laid on your Lordships' toria, cap: 113, may be permanently annextable. With respect to Greece, I am pre-ed to two professorships of divinity in the pared to lay before the House the fullest information we can give on the subject, and I am only sorry that the extreme pressure of business in the Foreign Office has prevented me from sooner laying those papers before your Lordships. They are very voluminous, and it is the desire of Her Majesty's Government that they should be quite complete. I hope in the course of three or four days-certainly in the course of next week-they will be produced; and I think your Lordships will then see that there have been ample grounds for that measure of coercion which has been

said University, and said that it was a subject which well deserved the serious consideration of their Lordships. He could not do better than call their Lordships' attention to the Report of the Commissioners on the Cambridge University. In that Report the Commissioners stated the present inadequate provision of professorships

"There are only three Professors of Divinity in the University, a number which is altogether inadequate either to teach or to represent this mest this number the first in our list is much occupied important department of human knowledge. Of with various extraneous duties, and the efficiency of the third is diminished by the condition of his

deed of foundation, which requires him to interpo- | University as the foundation of the constilate readings with his lectures."

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tution of their governing and legislative body. This had been approved of in the strongest manner by the Commissioners to whom he had referred. The Commissioners stated in their Report

"We cannot hesitate to express our pleasure to find such a proposal emanating from the University itself. It has evidently been framed with careful deliberation, and with an especial view as well to preserve a balance of power among the several colleges as also to prevent the excitements and rivalries of a more popular and unlimited mode of appointment. The suggested scheme has received the unanimous approval of the Syndicate; and we hope it may in due time receive the sanction of the Senate."

"There appears to be only one method by which evils of this nature could be effectually guarded against, which is, to increase considerably the number of theological teachers, and to give them such a share in conducting examinations as would secure a just influence to their teaching." But it appeared that the University had It had since received the unanimous apno funds by which to support these new proval of the Senate; and he hoped that professorships and teachers. There hap- this circumstance, together with the vapened, however, to be two vacancies at rious reforms which had taken place in this moment in the canonries of the Ca- Cambridge, and which were still being carthedral of Ely, and the object of the peti-ried on, would lead the noble Earl aud the tioners was, that the revenues of those Government to be of opinion that it would canonries should be appropriated to the be better to place in the hands of the Unifoundation of two theological professorships versity the power of making reforms rather in the University of Cambridge. The than to hand the University over to any Commissioners strongly recommended the extraneous body-adding only such powers, appointment of additional theological teach-legislative or otherwise, as might be best ers. They stated—

"The critical exposition of the New Testament and the wide province of ecclesiastical history, which are not at present undertaken by any of the three existing professors, would alone require the addition of two new theological chairs.

We are satisfied that the best interests of the

Church are closely allied with those of the University in effecting an adequate augmentation of the staff of teachers in theology. If the perma nent residence of a body of learned theologians could be secured, whether engaged in the prosecution of their own studies or directing and encouraging the studies of the great body of young men who are preparing for the Church, there would be no place where professional theological education could be more effectually carried on, or where students would be less liable to that danger of having peculiar and somewhat personal views impressed upon them, to which those who resort to smaller theological institutions are sometimes exposed. The University would thus in reality become the nursing mother of the Church."

Such was the recommendation of the Commissioners, and the petition of the University was founded entirely on that recommendation. He would avail himself of the present opportunity of calling the attention of the noble Earl to a Motion adopted in the other House of Parliament in respect to the constitution of the governing and legislative body of the University of Oxford. The vote of the other House had sanctioned the principle which upwards of a year ago was adopted by the Cambridge Lord Lyndhurst

adapted to enable them to carry those reforms into effect. His noble Friend (the Earl of Aberdeen) had told them that no Bill relating to the University was in contemplation; and he hoped to find that the more the subject was considered, the more his noble Friend and the Government would be convinced of the prudence and propriety of the course he recommended.

THE EARL OF ABERDEEN said, he did not know that it was necessary for him at present to give any definite answer to the prayer of the petition presented by the noble and learned Lord. He was far from denying that the object of the petition was most important and desirable; but, at the same time, he must observe that the purpose for which these canonries had been suppressed would not altogether be accomplished by the proposal of the petitioners. The endowment of theological professorships might, no doubt, be of great use, but that was not the direct object for which the Ecclesiastical Commissioners were empowered to employ the revenues of the canonries. He did not mean to say anything against the establishment of such professorships, but it might be a question whether the augmentation of poor livings and the accomplishment of other purposes under the management of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners

would not outweigh the advantages to be | mately mixed up with the general managederived from the professorships. He ment of railways, yet that had been enmust say that the appropriation of the two tirely omitted from the Bill. It was imcanonries already suspended and applied possible, in fact, to consider any one questo professorships at Cambridge had not tion satisfactorily without having before been altogether such as to contribute them the whole scheme. So, also, with greatly to the progress of theological learning, inasmuch as one was appropriated to the professorship of Hebrew, and the other to the professorship of Greek, the most eminent professor of Greek they had ever known having been a layman. Of course, the object which the noble and learned Lord would have in view would be one directly tending to the increase and improvement of theological learning in the University, and the subject, recommended as it was in the Report, to which the noble and learned Lord had referred, very well deserved the attention of Parliament. With out giving any positive declaration on the point that evening, he assured the noble and learned Lord that the recommendations of the Commissioners, supported as they were by the noble and learned Lord and by the University, should receive the best attention.

Petition ordered to lie on the table.



Order of the Day for the House to be put into Committee, read.

LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY, in consequence of the absence of the Lord Chief Justice, moved, That the House be put into Committee on the said Bill on Tuesday next.

LORD LYNDHURST recommended that the Bill should be referred to a Select Committee.

LORD STANLEY OF ALDERLEY said, that the proper time for discussing that question was not upon a mere Motion for postponing the Bill.

EARL GREY thought it would be greatly to the advantage of the House to send the Bill to a Select Committee. The more he looked at the measure the more he was satisfied that it was imperfect, and would require more detailed consideration than it was likely to receive in a Committee of the whole House. He called it imperfect, because some of the most important topics connected with railway management had been deliberately excluded from it by the Government, and the House was totally ignorant of the intentions of the Government in regard to them. The subject of accidents was inti


regard to the Post Office arrangements.
On both these points the House ought to
know what the intentions of the Govern-
ment were before they proceeded to dis-
pose of the present Bill. But that was
not all. He thought the Bill was defec-
tive also in not providing all that was
necesary for the security and convenience
of the public, and in not making arrange-
ments on other points, in regard to which
railways were greatly interested. He
should be sorry to be supposed as speak-
ing in a spirit hostile to railways. On
the contrary, he was persuaded that the
well-understood interests of railway com-
panies and the public were the same.
He complained particularly of the Bill, be-
cause it did nothing relative to the great
question of amalgamation. When his noble
Friend moved the second reading on a
former evening, he did not disclose any-
thing of the intentions of the Government
upon that subject. Originally, hopes were
held out, in the place of amalgamation, of
some arrangement for giving railways cer-
tain districts for specified periods.
this matter railway companies had been,
hardly dealt with. Both during this and
the last Session a great variety of amal-
gamation Bills had been brought forward
by railway companies, but had all been
either indefinitely postponed or rejected,
on the ground that the whole question
would be considered by the Government.
He was of opinion that railway amalga-
mation, with due security for the public,
would be very useful. It was quite clear
that two railways could, by an united
management, carry on their business with
greater economy and efficiency than they
could do with separate staffs and establish-
ments. He thought that a certain amount
of amalgamation was required; but care
should be taken that in every instance
advantage accrued to the public, and that
due security was given against the abuse
of the increased power obtained by com-
panies. It was quite apparent that,
under the existing system, competition did
not answer either as regarded the com-
panies or the public. These were only
some of the points which ought to be care-
fully considered by the Government, and
the longer they were postponed the more

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