progress of the bill, on a debate respecting local representation. "From the importance of the subject, and the strong feelings of every party, the slightest incident, the most immaterial word, or trivial action, was construed into an indication of something momentous. Mr. Charles Ball, the new member for Clogher, was a most ardent, impetuous, and even furious opponent of a union, on any terms or under any circumstances. He was a very large, eager, boisterous, and determined man; he uttered whatever he thought, and there was no restraining his sentiments. In the midst of a crowded coffee-room he declared his astonishment, that whilst hundreds of wretched men every day sacrificed their lives in resisting those who openly attacked their liberty, there were none who did not at once rid their country of the monsters who were betraying it. It could easily be done, he said, by a few hand-grenades, thrown from the gallery when your ministerial gentlemen are locked up for a division.

"The extravagance of the idea excited general merriment; but there were some who actually conceived the practicability of the scheme. Mr. Ball, with affected gravity, added, that he had heard such a plan was intended; and this only increased the previous merriment. The house presently commenced its sitting, and Mr. Secretary Cooke had taken the chair of the committee, when suddenly a voice like thunder burst from the gallery, which was crowded to excess: Now,' roared the Stentor, now let the bloodiest assassin take the chair!-Let the bloodiest assassin take the chair!'

6

"Any attempt at description of the scene would be unavailing-the shells and hand-grenades of Mr. Ball presented themselves to every man's imagination. All was terror and confusion: many pressed towards the doors, but the door-keepers had fled, and turned the keys to prevent the escape of the culprit. A few hats fell by accident from the galleries, which were in a state of tumult. These appeared like bomb-shells to the terrified members: pocket-pistols and swords were upon the point of being produced; every man seemed to expect the bloody assassins to rush in hundreds from the galleries. No explosion, however, took place-no assassins descended; and a scuffle in the gallery was succeeded by an exclamation, "We have secured him! We have secured him!" which restored some confidence to the senators. The serjeant-at-arms now ascended, sword in hand, and was followed by many of the members, whose courage had been quiescent till there was a certainty of no danger. Mr. Denis Brown, as a forlorn hope, was the first to mount the gallery. After a valiant resistance, an herculean gentleman was forced down into the body of the house, by a hundred hands. As soon as he was effectually secured, all the members were most courageous; some pommelled, some kicked him, and at length he was thrown flat upon the floor, and firmly pinioned. The whole power of parliament, however, could not protect them from his eloquence; and most powerfully did he use his tongue. The gigantic appearance of the man struck every body with awe, and none but the lawyers had the least conception that he was a Mr. Sinclair, one of the most quiet and well-behaved barristers of the profession. He

was a respectable, independent, and idle member of the Irish Bar, but an enthusiast against a union. He had dined with a party of the same opinions at the house of a friend, who was undoubtedly a madman, but whose excellent wine and wild conversation had elevated Mr. Sinclair so very far above all dread, that he declared he would himself, that night, in spite of all the traitors, make a speech in the house, and give them his full opinion of the only measure that should be taken against them. He accordingly repaired to the gallery, and, on seeing the secretary take the chair, could no longer contain himself, but attempted to leap down among the members. Being restrained by some friends who were with him, he determined, however, to make his speech, and commenced with the most appalling expression of what he conceived should be the fate of the unionists. He was committed to Newgate by the house, and remained there till the session ended."

"

Before the third reading of the bill, the anti-unionists quitted the house-and the last scene is given by Barrington, with scenic fidelity. Mr. Foster was a determined opponent to the Union-and as he had officially to pronounce the "delenda of that parliament to which he was enthusiastically attached, and over which he had presided, adored by his own party, and respected by men of all politics, it may be imagined that the trial would be severe.

"The situation of the Speaker, on that night, was of the most distressing nature; a sincere and ardent enemy of the measure, he headed its opponents; he resisted it with all the power of his mind, the resources of his experience, his influence, and his eloquence.

"It was, however, through his voice that it was to be proclaimed and consummated. His only alternative, resignation, would have been unavailing, and could have added nothing to his character. His expressive countenance bespoke the inquietude of his feelings; solicitude was perceptible in every glance, and his embarrassment was obvious in every word he uttered.

"The galleries were full, but the change was lamentable; they were no longer crowded with those who had been accustomed to witness the eloquence and to animate the debates of that devoted assembly. A monotonous and melancholy murmur ran through the benches scarcely a word was exchanged amongst the members-nobody seemed at easeno cheerfulness was apparent-and the ordinary business, for a short time, proceeded in the usual manner.

"At length the expected moment arrived the order of the day for the third reading of the bill, for a "Legislative Union between Great Britain and Ireland," was moved by Lord Castlereagh-unvaried, tame, cold-blooded, the words seemed frozen as they issued from his lips; and, as if a simple citizen of the world, he seemed to have no sensation on the subject.

"At that moment he had no country-no god but his ambition; he made his motion, and resumed his seat, with the utmost composure and indifference.

*Secret Memoirs of the Unior,

"Confused murmurs again ran through the house-it was visibly affected; every character, in a moment, seemed involuntarily rushing to its index, some pale, some flushed, some agitated; there were few countenances to which the heart did not despatch some messenger. Several members withdrew before the question could be repeated, and an awful, momentary silence succeeded their departure. The Speaker rose slowly from that chair which had been the proud source of his honours and of his high character: for a moment he resumed his seat, but the strength of his mind sustained him in his duty, though his struggle was apparent. With that dignity which never failed to signalize his official actions, he held up the bill for a moment in silencehe looked steadily around him on the last agony of the expiring parliament. He at length repeated, in an emphatic tone, As many as are of opinion that THIS BILL do pass, say aye.' The affirmative was languid but indisputable-another momentary pause ensued-again his lips seemed to decline their office-at length, with an eye averted from the object which he hated, he proclaimed, with a subdued voice, 'the AYES have it.' The fatal sentence was now pronounced-for an instant he stood statue-like, then indignantly flung the bill upon the table, and sunk into his chair."

CHAPTER XXXVI.

SUMMARY OF THE OPINIONS IN FAVOUR OF, OR OPPOSITION TO, THE UNION.

WE have, in recording the long and doubtful attempt to effect a legislative union, confined ourselves generally to an historic outline. To record the sentiments delivered in College-green and St. Stephen's, by those who were equally ardent in support and opposition, would be a tedious repetition of similar arguments, urged in favour or disapprobation of the measure during its different stages through either house. The selection of a few speeches, much abridged, will enable the reader to estimate the grounds on which the respective members, Peers and Commons, received or rejected the proposed union of the kingdoms, and place the gist of public sentiment before him, as it was delivered on the Commons' floor, or issued from the press.*

"A

* Before the end of December, 1798, no fewer than thirty pamphlets were published in Ireland upon this momentous question, viz., "Arguments for and against an Union between Great Britain and Ireland considered." "Thoughts on an Union, by Joshua Spencer, Esq." "No Union; being an Appeal to Irishmen, by Mathew Weld, Esq." "A Letter to Joshua Spencer, Esq., occasioned by his Thoughts on an Union,' by a Barrister." "An Union neither necessary nor expedient for Ireland; being an Answer to the author of Arguments, &c.' by Charles Ball, Esq." "An Answer to Arguments, &c. &c.,' in a Letter to Edward Cook, Esq., Secretary at War, by Pemberton Rudd, Esq." "Second Letter, by Pemberton Rudd, Esq." "An Address to the People of Ireland against an Union, by a friend to Ireland." "The Probability, Causes, and Consequences of an Union, by Dennis Taffe." "Reasons against an Union, by an Irishman." "Observations on Arguments for and against an Union.' "Strictures on Arguments for and against an Union.'" "First Letter to a Noble Lord, on the subject of the Union, by Giles S. Smith, Esq." "Cease your Funning, or the Rebel detected." Letter addressed to the Gentlemen of England and Ireland, on the Expediency of a Foederal Union between the two Kingdoms, by Sir John Jervis White Jervis, Bart." "A Reply to Arguments for and against an Union,' by Richard Jebb, Esq." "A Report of the Debate of the Irish Bar, on Sunday, the 9th of November, on the Subject of an Union of the Legislatures of Great Britain and Ireland, with the Speeches of Messrs. Saurin, Spencer, St. George Daly, Jameson, P. Burrows Barnes, T. Grandy, John Beresford Loyd, Driscoll, Goold, W. Bellew, Orr, Stokes, Geraghty, M'Clelland, Leader, Plunket, Lynch, F. Dobbs, and Webber." "Some Observations on the projected Union between Great Britain and Ireland, and the inexpediency of agitating the measure at this time, by J. H. C—, Esq., Barrister at Law." "A Memoire on some Questions respecting the projected Union of Great Britain and Ireland, by Theobald M Kenna, Barrister at Law." "A Letter to his Excellency Marquis Cornwallis, on the proposed Union; in which his Excellency's political situation is candidly discussed, by an Irishman." "An Address to the Roman Catholics of Ireland, upon the Subject of an Union, by an Old Friend." "A Letter to Theo. M'Kenna, Esq., on the subject of his Memoire, by John Hamilton, Esq." Reply to Theo. M'Kenna, Esq., by Molyneux." "Vaticination,

It was generally admitted by persons tolerably impartial, that the ablest defence of the measure was made by the late Sir William (then Mr.) Smith, when the address was reported on the 24th of January. After declaring his conviction that a legislative incorporation would not only be beneficial to Ireland, but had become absolutely necessary for her safety and prosperity, he thus continued:

"As the British islands constituted one empire, their imperial union was not the mere result of a temporary and accidental union of their crowns on the same head. The crowns were constitutionally blended: his Majesty's being king of Great Britain was the sine qua non, and efficient cause of his being king of Ireland: he was their monarch ipso facto of his being the sovereign of the sister kingdom; and to deny (or at least to act on such denial) the truth of that position, would be treason against the principles of the Irish constitution.

A

"So far then as a legislative union allotted a single legislature to a single empire, it was a rational and wholesome measure; so far as it provided that one empire should no longer be exposed to the risk of wavering, languidly and inertly, between the dissentient systems of two parliaments, union was the corrective of a dangerous anomaly. difference of opinion or system between the two legislatures must paralyze the general force of the empire; and that as well the more vaguely malcontent, as the direct enemies of the connection might (the former inadvertently, the latter by design) make that legislative distinctness the means for bringing about a separation.

"As far as the tendency of union went to limit the British empire to one legislature, its operation would be to fortify that empire, and eradicate those seeds of separation which it contained; and this tendency would on one hand raise an enemy to the measure in every foe to British greatness and British connection; and on the other recommend union to the favour of all those who thought British connection salutary, and wished it to be secured; and who, maintaining, as a maxim, that Ireland must stand and fall with England, felt themselves interested at all times to aggrandize the force of the empire, and felt themselves especially called upon to do so, when the state of opinions and of things throughout the world, and when the power, and success, and hostile dispositions of France, rendered it necessary that the British empire should concentrate all its strength, or surrender all its honours.

"Some might reply, that British influence would operate as an antidote to the mischiefs apprehended, and would prevent legislative dissensions from weakening and tearing asunder the energies of the

or Pue's Occurrences Redivivus." "The Rights of the Imperial Crown of Ireland defended, by George Barnes, Esq." Reply to Arguments for and against an Union,' by J. B. Bethel, Esq." Keep up your Spirits, or Huzza for the Empire, being a fair Argumentative Defence of an Union, by a Citizen of the Isle of Man." "An Address to the Electors of Ireland, on the Present Situation of Affairs." "A Demonstration of the Inevitability of a Legislative Union between Great Britain and Ireland, involving a Refutation of every argument which has been or can be urged against that Measure, by a Philosopher. "A Review of the Question of Union, as it involves Constitution and Commerce."