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the nation, and written assignations were given on this fund, which obtained the name of assignats. The king had already repaired to the assembly, and given the sanction of his name to the new constitution and the nation, almost frantic with joy at its deliverance from regal and feudal bondage, celebrated the anniversary of the destruction of the Bastile, on the 14th of July, the epoch whence France now dated her liberties, in the Champ de Mars, at which appeared the king, the representatives of the nation, deputations from all the military and naval bodies in the kingdom, in addition to 300,000 spectators of both sexes and at the close of which, the monarch, the national assembly, and the armed citizens took a solemn oath to maintain the constitution.

tion was complete:" it also revised its former decrees, completed the constitutional act, removed the suspension imposed upon his majesty, and left him at full liberty either to accept or refuse it.

The king addressed the assembly by let ter, on the 13th of September, and stated that he had given his sanction to the constitution: on the succeeding day, he repaired in person to the hall, and affixed his signature; a decree was accordingly issued, by which it was enjoined that the king's solemn declaration should be proclaimed throughout the empire, and that all prisoners confined for debt should be set at liberty.

The legislature, having concluded the object of its mission, and afforded a prospect of freedom to the nation, dissolved itThe spirit of anarchy and disorganization self on the 30th of the same month; the continued, however, to spread over the king-president having proclaimed, "that the dom of France, and the discontents of the nobility and clergy at the new order of things rose to such a height, as to produce an insurrection and a civil war in La Ven

dee.

national assembly declares its power to be at an end, and that it will sit no longer."

Thus ended the labours of the first, commonly called the Constituent Assembly, which possessed a number of distinguished 1791. The king, queen, their children, members, and a collection of talents scarceand Madame Elizabeth, fled from the capi- ly to be surpassed in the annals of any natal, on the twentieth of June, and took the tion upon earth. Amongst these, were a road to Montmedy, her majesty personating number of persons who have since distinthe Baroness de Knoff, and her consort the guished themselves in the various periods superintendent of her family. No obstacle of the war, and some of whom have out intervened until their arrival at Varennes, lived the events that expelled the Bourbon when Louis was recognised by Drouet, the race of kings from the throne, and witnessed postmaster of St. Menehould, and detained a revolution still more extraordinary, by in consequence of his zeal. Paul le Blanc which the sovereigns of that house have and Joseph Poncin, two national guards, again been restored to the throne of France. were the first to stop the carriage, which Amongst these are found the name of the was drawn by six horses, and accompanied ABBE SIEYES, a catholic priest, at once a by three out-riders. After some delay, the profound metaphysician, and an adept in king and his family were re-conducted on the formation of constitutions: TALLEYtheir way back to the capital, in the face RAND, who, by living in habits of famiof a large body of the Royal Allemande. liarity with the most celebrated men of the His majesty's brother, Monsieur, was, how-age, had enhanced his own reputation: yet ever, more fortunate, for he fled nearly at the same time, and arrived at Mons, without experiencing any interruption.

At length, the royal family approached the capital, conducted by the citizens of Varennes, and surrounded by an immense body of national guards. More than half a million of spectators filled the streets and squares as the captive monarch passed along to the Tuilleries; but neither reproaches nor murmurs were heard this day, on the contrary, a sullen silence prevailed; not a single hand was uplifted to express joy; every head remained covered; and the sovereign was already dethroned in the hearts of his subjects.

at the period in question, acquired less notice by his talents in the pulpit and the tribune, than by his activity in the committees, and his facility in the penning of popular addresses to the nation: and the ABBE MAURY, since invested with the Roman purple, who had acquired considerable preferment by the splendour of his clerical talents. Such however was the attachment of the Abbe to the ancient government, that he wished to countenance its very abuses. Possessed of a ready wit, he was indebted for his life to a joke:* and his happy talent at unpremeditated oratory rendered him the second man in the assembly. MIRABEAU was assuredly the first.

* "Eh! Messieurs, quand vous m'aurez mis a

The assembly acted upon this occasion with great magnanimity, and an act of obli- la lanterne, y verrez-vous plus clair ?"--Ah! Sirs vion was passed. In order to prevent fur-when you have hung me to the lamp-post, do you ther tumult, it declared, that "the revolu- think you will see any better?

At the first meeting of the second or Legislative Assembly, the constitutional act was introduced with great ceremony, and every deputy in succession ascending the rostrum, and placing his hand on the original, swore to maintain the constitution decreed during the years 1789, 1790, and 1791. Previous to the appearance of the king, the mode in which he was to be received and addressed underwent a long discussion; and it was determined that the expression of "Sire" should be omitted, as partaking of the feudal forms, and that of majesty," as incompatible with a limited monarchy.

now participating in a municipal jurisdiction, were devoted to it; and as it had as yet been uncontaminated by excess, a large portion of the population of Europe beheld the new order of affairs with a favourable eye. Many of the troops of the line, indeed, still entertained a secret enmity to a constitution, which, while it was calculated to benefit the people, and even themselves, lessened the power and influence of the prince; but an immense multitude of national guards, faithful alike to their interest and their oaths, were determined to maintain their new-born liberties at the expense of every thing dear to them. The ascendency of the metropolis, now become the joint residence of the assembly and the king, contributed also to give a decided preponderance to the patriots, while the astonishing influence of the press scarcely admits of calculation. Every printing-house in the capital teemed with productions; and, in addition to innume rable hand and posting bills, journals, and regular periodical works, it has been estimated, that, during the first years of the revolution, not less than one hundred and fifty different pamphlets issued weekly from the shops of the booksellers.

The emigration now became greater than before, and the roads were covered with the nobles and priests, who fled in all directions. Some repaired to England, others reached Austrian Flanders and the Electorates, but the chief place of rendezvous was Coblentz. The French princes resorted to that city: the ancient household troops of the king were re-established there, all the ceremonial of Versailles was practised, and the Prince of Condè actually began to assemble an army of malcontents. On this, the assembly passed a decree (October 14th), declaring Louis Stanislaus Xavier to have forfeited his eventual right to the regency, if he did not return within the space of two months: by another, all the French thus assembled were proclaimed traitors; while a third, drawn up in the form of a manifesto, renounced in future all wars for the sake of aggrandizement. But neither did the two first of these, nor a law passed against the nonjuring clergy, receive the sanction of the king, who opposed his veto, by the advice of Lameth and Barnave, members of the former as-ral, and a president of the national assemsembly, whom he was pleased to consult upon this critical occasion.

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In fine, although Louis XVI. had made many sacrifices, he had not regained his popularity and it is only necessary to take a superficial view of the kingdom at this eventful period, in order to prognosticate some of the various evils that speedily ensued.

SECTION VI.

Newspapers of all kinds, sizes, forms, and prices, from two duodecimo pages to two sheets, and from a halfpenny to a livre, were regularly published to the amount of about forty: the royalists possessed a few; the democratical party a multitude; the constitutionalists countenanced two or three; the ministers also had their favourite papers; and the king himself was persuaded to waste his civil list, to obtain the support of a few of the editors.

LANJUINAIS, a deputy to the states-gene

bly, was the founder of a political society called the Jacobin Club, which discussed a variety of important questions, and investigated the means of ensuring the safety and prosperity of the state. It originated in 1789, under the denomination of the Breton Club, in consequence of having been first established by the representatives of Brittany. When it was afterwards frequented by several of the deputies from the other provinces also, the members assumed the appellation of "The Friends of FRANCE at this moment was distracted the People:" but they were at length betby contending parties. The king was ter known by the place where they assemaverse to a constitution to which he had re- bled, which was called the hall of the Jacoluctantly sworn. Around the royal stan- bins, from having formerly belonged to a fradard, appeared to be assembled a remnant ternity of Dominican friars, whose patron of the ancient nobility, and all those de saint was St. James. The most celebrated voted by place, sentiment, attachment, or orators, patriots, and politicians, for some prejudice to the crown. On the other hand, time after its institution, considered it as the popular cause was sustained in the an admirable engine for the sustenance of assembly by a decided majority; Paris, the public cause. All the zealots of deBourdeaux, Marseilles, all the great cities mocracy, all the decided enemies of the

suggestions of a gloomy ambition; and crimes which a Nero or a Caligula would scarcely have dared to imagine (although invested with the imperial purple, and surrounded by the satellites of despotism), were at length achieved with facility by a private individual, and that too in the name of "liberty!"

court, all the foes of the privileged orders,
and many of the most virtuous and mode-
rate members of the assembly, at first ap-
pertained to it. Its ascendency was not
confined to Paris; with every city and
with almost every village in France, it
kept up a constant intercourse, by means
of twenty thousand affiliated clubs, which
looked up to the central meeting in the
capital as a mother society, imbibed all its
notions, diffused all its opinions, and propa-
gated all its alarms. Such was its influence,
that the legislative body was often guided
by its decisions, the soldiers were permitted
to leave their barracks in order to frequent
its galleries, while the red cap of the presi-
dent was seen by turns encircling the brows
of the mayor of Paris, elected by the peo-vouring ambition.
ple, and the minister of state, nominated
by the king.

But although its power had greatly increased, its character was manifestly on the wane. The incendiary motions, the outrageous proceedings, and the equivocal characters of many of the ruling members, had cast an indelible stain upon a society, which, after counterbalancing the influence of the court, and efficaciously serving the public cause, by the talents and zeal of those who had acquired for it a dangerous pre-eminence, was likely, at no distant period, to endanger the fabric of national liberty by its unqualified violence. The greater part of the deputies, and some respectable private individuals, had accordingly withdrawn, while the names of many of those most conspicuous for their virtue, patriotism, or oratorical powers, were erased from the list of members; and the committees were now regulated, and the chair filled, according to the secret suggestions of two or three ambitious and aspiring individuals.

But when it was abandoned by most of the other deputies, MAXIMILIAN ROBESPIERRE, one of the six who remained, acted frequently as president, and at length acquired a complete ascendency. Gloomy, vindictive, ferocious, and at once replete with cowardice and malignity, such was his matchless hypocrisy, that he concealed his real character until he had triumphed over his enemies; and such his unabating envy, that he considered all those as enemies, whose superior talents and virtues had procured them a place in the public esteem. As yet, his reputation was unstained by crimes, but even now he appeared to be secretly contemplating an original and monstrous species of dominion, unknown before in any age or country, and alike alarming on account of its novelty and atrocity. The jacobins were the engine by which he purposed to execute the

DANTON, first the associate, then the victim of Robespierre, and like him also an advocate by profession, seemed to be intended by nature for the tempestuous period in which he lived, and the bold and decisive character which he assumed. Open, daring, generous, and unreserved, he exhibited some good qualities in conjunction with many vices, but he was consumed by a de

MARAT, a native of Neufchatel in Switzerland, was the creature of the two former, who not unfrequently protected him from well-merited punishment, and directed both his pen and his vengeance.

Such were the present leaders of that famous club, destined in a short time to regulate the fate of an empire: but they would never have been suffered to acquire so fatal a pre-eminence, had it not been for the open hostility of the court to the new constitution; the impolitic and insulting interference of foreign powers; and finally, a war equally hostile and repugnant to the pride, freedom, and independence of a great nation.

While the present leaders of the jacobins scarcely concealed their wish to dethrone the king, and either nominate a new dynasty to the throne, or erect a republic on its ruins, a rival society existed, the members of which, under a name (Constitutionels) expressive of an implicit attachment to the new constitution, were desirous of a legislature consisting of two houses: many of them also had now made their peace with the court, and were even devoted to it. In consequence of a schism among "the friends of the people," Talleyrand, then Bishop of Autun; Emery, a member of the assembly; the Dukes de Rochefoucault and Liancourt; the twc Lameths; La Fayette, and many others, had left that celebrated society, and determined to found another. They at first assembled in the magnificent hotel belonging to the younger Crillon, son of the conqueror of Minorca; and when they became more numerous, assumed the appellation of "The Club of 1789" but they were afterwards better known by the name of the convent of the Feuillans, which they hired, because the hall, being large and spacious, was calculated for their debates.

While these two formidable societies evinced a rooted hatred to each other, and

were both in their turn detested by the | Brienne, the faulty but well-meaning Laroyalists; the legislative assembly, neither maignon, the amiable Malesherbes, the equal in point of talents nor of energy to prodigal Calonne, the economical Necker, the states-general, began to be split into the wily Montmorin, and the impotent Departies, and at times exhibited some pre-lessart; of these, not above two or three sages of that intolerant spirit which, soon exhibited any talents for government, and after the convocation of the convention, in- the others contributed in their turn, less by volved France in blood and calamity. The their wishes than their misconduct, to the power and influence of the court, however, revolution. still contributed to produce a certain degree of apparent union, and it was not until the royal family had been made prisoners, and the monarchy itself was dissolved, that the blood of the advocates of liberty flowed on the same scaffold that had received the victims of aristocracy, and the founders of the republic began to proscribe each other with an envenomed rancour, that admitted neither of compromise nor of mercy.

The GIRONDISTS, so called from the department whence they were deputed, possessed great influence in the legislative body at this period, and were equally celebrated for their talents and integrity, but they were far better calculated to rule in the halcyon days of tranquillity, than to preside amidst the awful storm that was about to ensue.

The present administration, which the courtiers sometimes termed the jacobin, and sometimes the sans culotte, consisted of six members, and exhibited a striking contrast, both in respect to talents and principles. DUMOURIEZ, the minister for foreign affairs, had been a soldier of fortune; he was employed in 1757, as a commissary at war, in the army of M. d'Etrees, and having conceived an attachment to a military life, procured a cornetcy of horse, and was wounded in the battle of Emstetten. After having obtained the rank of a captain, he was dismissed at the end of the war with the cross of St. Louis, which he had merited by his bravery, and a pension, no part of which was ever received by him. His colleagues were LACOSTE, who was appointed to the marine department; DuRANTON, an advocate, to the place of minister of justice; CLAVIERE, a banker, and native of Geneva, to the administration of the finances; and ROLAND, a member of the jacobin society, to the home department.

One of the leading members of this party was BRISSOT, chairman of the diplomatic committee, the son of an obscure plebeian, but originally bred to the bar; who had been imprisoned in the Bastile; and had the singular good fortune to have present- Such was the administration selected at ed to him, as president of a committee or this critical moment for the government his district, the keys of that odious prison, of France. Most of the members were in which he had been immured :-VERG- odious to the king: some were beloved by, NIAUX, a native of Limoges, and one of the and others suspected by the jacobins; but representatives of Bourdeaux; and GEN- they were all alike abhorred by the FeuilSONNE, an advocate of the same city, were lans. They were accordingly abused in likewise distinguished members of this the newspapers devoted to the cause of the society; which comprehended also in its monarchy and the aristocracy: they were number, GUADET, late president of the also ridiculed by the courtiers, treated with criminal tribunal of Gironde, and CONDOR- contempt by the grandees, and so much CET, one of the forty members of the were they hated within the precints of royFrench academy, whose learning and ta-alty, that if we are to believe one of themlents conferred a lustre on the party that obtained his support. Such were the principal leaders of a party, sometimes termed the Girondists, and sometimes the Brissotins, which, at the epoch to which we now allude, maintained a steady preponderance in the legislative assembly, as well as in the city of Paris; Petion, the mayor, and many others of the municipal magistrates being devoted to it.

selves, the body-guards always assumed a menacing air, when they appeared at the castle of the Tuilleries.

No sooner had the new ministry commenced the exercise of their functions, than they were surrounded by a multitude of dangers and difficulties, both domestic and foreign, whence they found it extremely difficult to extricate either their country or themselves. The new body-guard of the Upwards of forty different ministers, dur- king had been lately augmented from ing the short space of fourteen years, had eighteen hundred to nearly six thousand already been called in at different times to men, by means of disaffected persons, comsupport the tottering edifice of the mo-manded by officers who had quitted their narchy. Louis XVI. had by turns em- respective regiments because they would ployed the frivolous Maurepas, the virtuous Turgot, the indefatigable Sartine, the politic Vergennes, the weak and tyrannical

* Memoires du General Dumouriez ecrit par lui-meme tome II.

not subscribe the civic oath and it was with great difficulty that the king was at length induced to promise his acquiescence with the wishes of the legislature to disband them. The struggle was still greater on all occasions in which the interests of the dissident clergy were concerned; nor could he be prevailed upon to withdraw his countenance from that body, which was encouraged in its opposition by knowing that the conscience of the monarch was regulated by a ghostly director of the same principles.

In the mean time, a portentous cloud now collecting in the north, threatened to burst suddenly upon France, and overwhelm a distracted nation with misery and despair. But it may here be necessary to survey the European hemisphere, in order to discover the quarter where this new storm was generated, and after making ourselves acquainted with the nature and intenseness of the eleinents of which it was composed, endeavour to calculate its direction, and estimate its force.

SECTION VII.

FRANCE, as we have already seen, had limited the power of her kings, and established a constitution for the nation, faulty indeed, like all human institutions, but certainly preferable to the ancient despotism. In accomplishing this object, the national constituent assembly exercised only the acknowledged right of internal regulation appertaining to every independent state but it was soon apparent that these essential reforms had given umbrage to several of the absolute princes on the continent.

SPAIN, feeling indignant at the late memorable events, and the court acting under the influence of the queen and a favourite, disposed Charles IV. to depart from those principles of sage neutrality, which had long regulated his conduct. PORTUGAL, following the train of Great Britain, was not yet stimulated to war. SARDINIA, under the government of the house of Savoy, united to the royal family of France by a double marriage, was of course alive to the interests of the Bourbon family on that throne, and disposed to support such measures as might be thought conducive to the security of the sovereign and his family, and calculated to re-establish the splendour of his crown. PIUS VI., now Sovereign pontiff, mourned over the schisms of the Gallican church, and launched forth the thunders of ROME against her undutiful children. FREDERICK ÏV. listened to his family connexions rather than the interest of his subjects, and involved the kingdom

of NAPLES in a quarrel foreign to his inte rests.

ENGLAND, at this period, seemed to be conscious of the immense advantages arising to a great manufacturing and commercial state, from the adoption of a wise and rigorous system of neutrality. Many obvious motives enforced the policy of peace. An immense national debt called aloud for a system of economy, and the pressure of the existing taxes seemed to render any increase burdensome to the nation. Many of the people, too, had hitherto rejoiced at the progress of liberty in France, and felt a generous indignation against those princes, who presumed to meddle in her internal disputes; while a king now finally seated on the throne of the Stuarts, was indebted for the elevation of his family to a revolu tion founded, like the present, on the rights of a nation.

The court of COPENHAGEN, while it beheld its king reduced to a state of the most deplorable imbecility, experienced a rare instance of good fortune in having its affairs conducted by an amiable regent and a sagacious minister. Wholly intent on the happiness and prosperity of those committed to their charge, the prince royal and the count de Bernstorff were adverse to intermeddling in the internal polity of other nations.

It was far otherwise with another of the Baltic powers, though but just released from the burden of a disastrous war. SweDEN, which by turns has enjoyed liberty, and suddenly relapsed into servitude, was now under the dominion of a prince, who languished for an opportunity of distin guishing himself by his exploits. But from some cause, still involved in considerable obscurity, Gustavus III. fell by the hand of a titled assassin, leaving to a minor son an immense debt, as well as an impoverished and distracted country. (9)

The genius of one man civilized Russia and by erecting a capital on the shore of the Baltic, rendered his native country a preponderating power in the scale of European politics. In Catharine II. was found a successor, in many respects, worthy of himself. This ambitious female, following the track prescribed by her illustrious precursor, had conceived the gigantic enterprise of chasing the Turks from Europe,

* Ankerstroem.

(9) The cause of the assassination of Gustavus has never, we believe, been at all doubtful. The indignation of the nobility at his conduct in reducing their overgrown power, led to a conspiracy against him. Three of that body cast lots to deter mine by whom the blow should be given, and the choice fell upon Ankerstroem.

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