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presented, bearing the crown of the Cæsars, more lively, as he could by no means rewith this legend:-Napoleon Empereur; concile the violation of the territory of the on the reverse, was the inscription, Le Senat German empire, to those principles of et le Peuple; with an allegorical repre- justice and propriety which are held sa sentation of a figure clothed in the attri- cred among nations, and are the bulwark butes of magistracy, and of a warrior of their reciprocal relations." To this renewly clothed with the imperial attributes. monstrance, the French minister, in a style The assumption of the imperial dignity of lofty indifference, replied, "that the by Bonaparte, gave a new interest to the Emperor of Germany, and the King of politica. concerns of Europe; and the Prussia, who, undoubtedly, were the two time had now arrived when the Germanic powers most concerned in the fate of the Body was no longer to be considered as German empire, had considered the French united under one head. In the month of government sufficiently authorized to ar August, the Emperor Francis issued a de- rest, at two leagues distance from her cree, by which his title of Emperor of frontiers, French rebels, who conspired Germany was changed for that of Emperor against their own country, and who, by of Austria. The decree of the council of the nature of their plots, as well as by the state stated the object of this measure to terrible evidence which corroborated them, be, "the preservation of that degree of equa- had placed themselves out of the protec lity which should subsist between the great tion of the law of nations." "The Ger powers, and the just rank of the house and man princes being thus satisfied, the first state of Austria among the nations of Eu- consul felt himself in no way responsible rope." The emperor further urged, that to the Emperor of Russia on a point which in conferring upon his family an heredi- did not concern his interest; and if it was tary imperial title, he was following the the intention of his majesty to form a new example of Russia in the last century, and coalition in Europe, and to recommence of France in the present day. This event the war, what need was there of empty was hailed with undissembled joy by pretences, and why did he not act openly!" France and Prussia; and when it was announced to the diet of Ratisbon, it excited no animadversion, except from the King of Sweden, who considered this change so inseparably connected with the composition of the German empire, that it was not to be laid before the diet merely as a notification, but as a subject for deliberation, in the discussion of which all the members of the diet might express their opinions as authorized by the constitution. No tribute could have been more flattering to Bonaparte than this concession, which made the sovereign, hitherto considered as the first in Europe, in point of dignity, not only more recent in the creation of title than himself, but even recorded the example of the French emperor as one of the motives of the conduct of the emperor of Austria.

The perturbed situation of Europe, during the year 1804, led to the expectation that the renewal of the war on the continent was at no great distance. On the 5th of May, the emperor of Russia presented an energetic note to the diet of Ratisbon, on the seizure of the Duke d'Enghein; in which, he declared, "that he learned with equal astonishment and concern the event that had taken place at Ettenheim, the circumstances by which it was attended, and its melancholy result. The concern of the emperor on this occasion was the

Decree of the Council of State of Vienna, dated August 11th, 1804.

His majesty

Two months elapsed, before a reply was made to this paper, but on the 21st of July, M. D'Oubril, the Russian charge d'affaires, complained that it was in all respects evasive, and by no means an answer to the note he had delivered. In this reply, the dispositions and conduct of the Russian and French governments were exhibited in contrast. Russia, it was asserted, had on every occasion endeavoured to maintain peace, and to mediate between France and those nations with which she had disputes. The French government, on the contrary, thought itself competent to occupy neutral countries, and to deprive them of their commerce. was thereby alarmed, not indeed on his own account, but he was alarmed for the security of the other states of Europe. After an enumeration of the aggressions practised by France towards Denmark, Portugal, Switzerland, Holland, and the Italian states, the charge d'affaires concluded by saying, that he was ordered to declare, that he could not prolong his stay at Paris, unless the French govern ment should order its troops to evacuate the kingdom of Naples, and engage to establish, without delay, some principle of concert with his imperial majesty, for regulating the basis upon which the affairs of Italy should be formally adjusted. In addition to which, it was required, that France, in conformity with the 6th article of the convention entered into with Russia, on the 11th of October, 1801, should

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indemnify the king of Sardinia for the the territorial rights of the German empire losses he has sustained; and in virtue of were flagrantly violated, and its future the obligation of a mutual guarantee and security exposed to the greatest danger. mediation, should promise immediately to This note excited the resentment of the evacuate and withdraw its troops from the French government, and called down upon north of Germany, and to enter into en- Gustavus a severe attack in the official gagements to respect in the strictest man- paper, the Moniteur. In this paragraph, the ner the neutrality of the Germanic body. young and gallant sovereign was charged M. Talleyrand answered this note by with folly and inconsistency, and assured, referring to an article in the treaty, cited that his insignificance alone secured him by M. d'Oubril, by which the two con- from the resentment of the French governtracting governments engaged not to suffer ment, which was too wise to confound a their respective subjects to maintain any loyal and brave nation, justly called the correspondence, direct or indirect, with the " France of the north," with the conduct enemies of the two states. The promotion of a young man led astray by false notions, of French emigrants to places of honour and unenlightened by reflection. Fired and trust in Russia, and the behaviour with indignation at this attack, the King of the Russian ambassador, M. Markoff, of Sweden issued a decree on the 7th of while at Paris, were cited as breaches of September, prohibiting the introduction of this article. France also demanded the French publications into his dominions, execution of the 9th article of this treaty, and on the same day transmitted a note to by which Russia engaged to guarantee the M. Gaillard, the French charge d'affaires independence of the Seven Islands; and at Stockholm, stating his resentment at of the 2d article, the evident application what he termed the improper, the insoof which it was said should have been, lent, and the ridiculous observations which that instead of manifesting such a partiality | Monsieur Napoleon Bonaparte had allowed for England, and of becoming, perhaps, to be inserted in his Moniteur. In consethe first auxiliary of its ambition, Russia quence of this heated discussion, he deshould have united with France, in order clared that all diplomatic intercourse of to consolidate a general peace, to establish every kind, both private and public, should a just balance in the four parts of the immediately cease between the French world, and to promote the liberty of the seas. legation at Stockholm and his government, M. d'Oubril, in reply to this note, re- but he nevertheless allowed the subsisting capitulated all his complaints, animadvert- relations of commerce to remain unintered on the evasive manner in which they rupted. had been answered, and on the 28th of August demanded his passports.

During this correspondence, the King of Sweden appeared to be animated with a courageous resolution to support the principles of the laws of nations, and to make common cause with the Emperor Alexander. As Duke of Pomerania, he charged his envoy to enter his vote in the protocol of the diet, under the date of the 27th of July, by which he declared, that he could not learn without the greatest anxiety and alarm, the events which had taken place in the Electorate of Baden, in the month of March last-events by which

If from the powers which retained their independence, the attention is directed to those which, under the appearance of alliance, were forced into war, or under the semblance of neutrality compelled by France to contribute to its charges, Spain, Portugal, and Naples, will be found to rank amongst that number, while Holland, which had been for so many years the victim and sport of those who called themselves her deliverers, was rapidly approaching to that state in which the very name of independence is lost in the blandishments of fraternity and the torpor of incorporation.

CHAPTER V.

BRITISH HISTORY: Situation of the Country at the Commencement of the year 1805-State of Parties -Opening of the Session of Parliament-Army and Navy Estimates-Renewal of the Habeas Corpus Suspension Act in Ireland-Debates on the Origin of the Spanish War-Motion by the Earl of Darnley for the Repeal of the Additional Force Bill-Mr. Whitbread's memorable Motion on the Tenth Report of the Commissioners of Naval Inquiry-Carried by the Casting Vote of the Speaker -The Office of First Lord of the Admiralty resigned by Lord Melville-Erasure of his Lordship's Name from the List of Privy Counsellors-His Lordship's Defence in the House of CommonsResolution of the House to institute a Criminal Prosecution against his Lordship-Subsequent Reso lution to proceed by Impeachment-Proceedings on the Loan of 40,000l. made to Boyd and Benfield -Finances-Dissensions in the Cabinet-Partial Change of Ministry-Mr. Pitt's declining Health.

ENGLAND had now perfected her defensive force; and, confident in the loyalty and public spirit of her population, held in derision the preparations for invasion which still continued to prevail on the coasts of the enemy. Her finances were upon the whole in a prosperous condition, and the people endured the additional imposts, rendered necessary for her security, if not with cheerfulness, at least without repining. Her navy was formidable, and triumphantly prescribed a barrier to French aggression, by blockading all the ports subject to the control of the enemy. The nation had, however, been disappointed in the formation of the new ministry. They had looked with confidence to a union of all the political weight, talents, and character of the country, cordially coalescing and acting for the benefit of the state; instead of which, they found a ministry formed upon the principle of exclusion, and remarkable only for mediocrity in all those qualifications requisite for securing the interests of the country, and establishing the independence of Europe. That Mr. Pitt should have submitted to assume the direction of affairs, without the support of those, whom he had himself conceived to be necessary to constitute a powerful administration, surprised and afflicted his best friends and adherents. Lord Grenville, himself a host, had declined to take a seat in the cabinet; and Lord Spencer, Mr. Windham, and the friends of these senators had concurred in this determination. These personages had indeed not only repulsed the advances of the minister, but they had cemented a close alliance with Mr. Fox, and ranked with those gentlemen who looked up to his councils. The minister's capacity and preeminent talents were the same; but the radiance of glory arising from the persuasion of his decisive importance in the country, and from the deference that had hitherto been paid to his opinions and volition, had become obscure. Shorn of his deams, but entire in his own strength, he

was compelled to humble the natural loftiness of his disposition, and to gather the scattered and secondary breaches of former administrations, to fill up offices that had been rejected by more competent hands. The fasces, though bound together with his extraordinary faculties, were found to be weak and inefficient; and the same minister, who, when he had scarcely attained to manhood, had numbered among the ranks of his supporters many of the most exalted characters in the kingdom, found himself, at a more advanced period of life, obliged to preside in a cabinet, where nothing presented itself but the wreck of his former greatness. In this situation, the minister deemed it prudent to avail himself of an influence which seemed to be floating about with erratic uncertainty, amidst the discordant elements of the political world; and to the astonishment of both his friends and his enemies, Mr. Pitt renewed his connexion with that minister whom he had so lately joined in expelling from office on the ground of incapacity. In virtue of this arrangement, Mr. Addington became a member of an administration, which could scarcely be called new, and having been previously called up to the house of peers, by the title of Viscount Sidmouth, was, on the 14th of January, 1805, appointed to succeed the Duke of Portland, as lord president of the council.

The day after this appointment, the ses sion of parliament was opened by his majesty in person.

The speech from the throne announced that the preparations for invasion were still carried on by France, with unremitting activity; that Spain, under the control of the French government, had issued a declaration of war against this country; and that a communication, containing a profes sion of a pacific disposition, had recently been received from France, to which his majesty, had replied by expressing his earnest desire for the restoration of the blessings of peace, not deeming it proper to

enter into a more particular explanation, | time a number of persons now imprisoned without previously consulting those conti- on charges of high-treason must otherwise nental powers with whom he was engaged be liberated, and left uncontrolled to purin confidential intercourse. His majesty sue their own machinations. in conclusion regretted the necessity of Sir John Newport thought the slight imposing any additional burthens upon his grounds now stated insufficient for suзpeople; but, since their future safety and pending the most valuable part of the conhappiness depended on extraordinary ex-stitution throughout the whole kingdom of ertions, he felt a perfect conviction that parliament would enable him to prosecute the war with energy, in order to bring the contest to a safe and honourable termination.

The usual address to his majesty, which was on this occasion moved in the house of peers by Lord Elliot, and in the commons by the Hon. Henry Augustus Dillon, passed unanimously in both houses, and was on the 17th of January presented to the king.

Ireland, and involving the people of that country in a general proscription. If a committee of united Irishmen sitting in Paris were a sufficient argument for the suspension, the suspension act must become perpetual during the war; for the enemy would take care to avail himself of that handle for a measure, which he knew must exasperate and inflame the minds of the people, among whom it was his object. as it was his interest, to stir up and keep alive the spirit of disaffection. The peoOn the 23d of January, one hundred ple of Ireland should be made to feel that and twenty thousand men, including ma- the imperial parliament were as tender of rines, were voted by the house of com- their privileges, as they were of those of mons for the service of the navy for the the people of England, and even more so, year 1805, and a sum not exceeding two as powers increased at a distance were almillions eight hundred and eighty-six thou- | ways the most liable to abuse. The treatsand pounds for the payment of the men. ment received by the Irish could not easily At the same time, the sum of two millions be brooked by a loyal and strong-minded nine hundred and sixty-four thousand race of people, and he should therefore pounds was granted for victualling, and move as an amendment to the honourable four millions six hundred and eighty thou- gentleman's proposition, "That a comsand pounds for wear and tear of ship-mittee of twenty-one members be chosen ping, &c. In answer to a question from Mr. by ballot, to examine such documents as Johnstone, on the same day, it was stated may be laid before them, and to report to that the number of men at that time actu- the house their opinion whether the contially employed in the navy amounted to nuance of the suspension of the Habeas one hundred and eight thousand. On the Corpus Act be a measure necessary to the 4th of February the secretary at war tranquillity of Ireland at the present time." moved the army estimates of the year, After a very animated debate, leave was which amounted to 12,395,400l. 7s. 6d. given to bring in the bill, which in the for three hundred and twelve thousand course of the session advanced through its and forty-six men, under the different several stages in both houses of parliaheads of service. ment, and ultimately passed into a law.

The next question of importance that Few subjects ever excited so much inengaged the attention of parliament, was terest as the origin of the Spanish war; a motion made by Sir Evan Nepean, prin- and probably none was ever debated with cipal secretary to the lord-lieutenant of more ardour, research, and elaboration, in Ireland, for leave to bring in a bill to conti- both houses of parliament, than this quesnue the act of the last session for the sus- tion. On the 11th of February, the lords, pension of the Habeas Corpus Act in that as well as the commons, entered into the country. The grounds assigned for the re-discussion of this momentous question. newal of this measure, were, the notoriety The subject was brought forward in the of disaffection still prevailing in Ireland, lower house of parliament by the chancelthe preparations of the enemy for the in-lor of the exchequer, in a speech remarkavasion of that country, the number of ble for perspicuous arrangement, elaborate Irishmen associated with the forces des- detail, and that measured eloquence for tined for that purpose, and the existence which he was so celebrated. "I feel great of a committee of united Irishmen then satisfaction," said Mr. Pitt on this occasitting in Paris, and corresponding with the disaffected in the sister kingdom. It was, the honourable secretary said, the more necessary to arm the government with this authority, as the present act would expire in about six weeks, at which

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sion, "that the day is at length arrived, when we can enter into that full and ample discussion of the papers before the house, which the magnitude of the subject requires; and in the course of what I shall have the honour to submit to this assem

bly, I hope that I shall be able, not only cided approbation of this house. I state to establish that which I believe few can this particularly, because it was, in the now be disposed to question, the ultimate first instance, deemed expedient to gain justice and necessity of the war; but time, and the Spanish court seemed as dealso, the exemplary moderation, liberality, sirous to get rid of their engagements, as and forbearance of the ministers of this we were to detach them from their ally. country, in every period of our relation But forbearance had its bounds, and to act with Spain since the breaking out of the longer upon such a system, when the war with France. French ruler seemed resolved to compel Spain to take an active part with him in the war, would not have been to give way to the influence of generous sentiments, or honourable feelings, but to enable Spain, under the dictation of France, to accumu late resources, and armies, and fleets, and arsenals, to be at the disposal of our inveterate enemy. France might at once demand the contingent of fifteen sail of the line, and twenty-four thousand men; she could moreover demand that Spain should put into activity the whole force that she could command: and for what purpose? The purpose of aiding France in the war against this country; for a purpose announced at the very outset of the war, continued through every stage of its progress, and never once suspended, but in practice, for the purpose of destroying the power and independence of this country; for the purpose of overthrowing this noble barrier against the encroachments of French ambition on the liberties and independence of mankind.”

"In the first place, then, it is necessary to take into consideration the relative situation in which Spain stood with this country at the breaking out of the war, in consequence of her antecedent engagements with France. I need hardly say more to characterize that situation, than barely to mention the treaty of St. Ildefonso, and the stipulations it contained. Spain was bound to France by a treaty, on the face of it both offensive and defensive; and, in fact, a treaty which was by the contracting parties so entitled. Besides guaranteeing neutrality, territories, &c. the two countries agreed to assist each other with fifteen ships of the line, and twenty-four thousand men; and this assistance, too, as appears from the eighth article, is to be given upon the demand of the requiring party, precluding the party required from making any investigation or inquiry as to the justice of the war, or the policy of the object for which the succours were to be granted. Nay, by the 11th articles of this treaty, the contracting parties are to assist each other with their whole forces, in case the stipulated succours should be insufficient. This treaty is most important to be kept in view, as the foundation of all the proceedings which it was thought incumbent on the British government to adopt. Such a treaty, unless distinctly disclaimed, I contend, must ipso facto have rendered Spain a principal in the war. Indeed, who, that recollects the circumstances in which the treaty was concluded in 1796, when Spain was compelled to subscribe and ratify that record of her vassalage to France, can doubt the spirit of the contract, or of its hostility to the British nation.

"Such was the situation in which his majesty's ministers found themselves, when the aggressions and injustice of the ruler of France forced them into the present rupture. In whatever light the treaty should be viewed, it could be considered on the part of Spain only as a reluctant tribute to the overbearing dictates of its ambitious and tyrannic ally. On this ground, I am convinced, that the tenderness, moderation, and forbearance, shown by his majesty's ministers for the degraded situation to which necessity, not choice, had reduced Spain, will meet with the de

Having stated these general principles as applicable to the state of our relations with Spain, the chancellor of the exchequer proceeded to consider how they had been followed up. From the documents on the table, it would appear that our policy was, if possible, to separate Spain from her degrading connexion. His majesty's government at the same time wisely gave no opinion on the question of limited succours in kind to be furnished by Spain to France; but they apprized the Spanish government, that our forces would resist any attempt of the auxiliary fleet to form a junction with the enemy. When, on the demand of the succours alluded to, the Spanish government had agreed to commute the contingent in kind for pecuniary aid, Mr. Frere exerted himself in vain to obtain from them the precise amount of the contribution, but he learned that the sum was not less than three millions sterling; and surely a war subsidy to such an amount rendered Spain a principal in the war. In consequence of this commutation, the Spanish government was informed that it could only meet with a temporary connivance on our part, and that the forbearance of actual war could be continued only on the expectation that the subsidy, which amounted to nearly one-half of the annual

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