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The new ministry, after taking a clear and comprehensive view of the state of the country, appear to have formed the resolution of directing their views to the accomplishment of a peace with France. About ten days after Mr. Fox came into office, a project for assassinating the French emperor was communicated by a foreigner to the English foreign secretary, who immediately transmitted a statement of the circumstances to M. Talleyrand.* The French minister, in a respect

* LETTER FROM MR. SECRETARY Fox To M. TALLEYRAND.

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(Translation.)

'Downing-street, 20th February, 1806.

"SIR, "I think it my duty as an honest man to communicate to you, as soon as possible, a very extraordinary circumstance which is come to my knowledge. The shortest way will be to relate to you the fact simply as it happened.

"A few days ago, a person informed me, that he was just arrived at Gravesend without a passport, requesting me at the same time to send him one, as he had very lately left Paris, and had something to communicate to me which would give me satisfaction. I sent for him-he came to my house the following day-I received him alone in my closet; when, after some unimportant conversation, this villain had the audacity to tell me, that it was necessary for the tranquillity of all crowned heads to put to death the ruler of France; and that, for this purpose, a house had been hired at Passy, from which this detestable project could be carried into effect with certainty, and without risk. I did not perfectly understand if it was to be done by a common musket, or by fire-arms upon a new principle.

"I am not ashamed to confess to you, sir, who know me, that my confusion was extreme, in thus finding myself led into a conversation with an avowed assassin; I instantly ordered him to leave me, giving, at the same time, orders to the police officer who accompanied him, to send him out of the kingdom as soon as possible. After having more attentively reflected upon what I had done, I saw my error in having suffered him to depart without previously having informed you of the circumstances, and I ordered him to be de

tained.

"It is probable that all this is unfounded, and that the wretch had nothing more in view than to make himself of consequence, by promising, what, according to his ideas, would afford me satisfaction. At all events, I thought it right to acquaint you with what had happened, before I sent him away. Our laws do not permit us to detain him long; but he shall not be sent away till after you shall have had full time to take precautions against his attempts, supposing him still to entertain bad designs; and when he goes, I shall take care to have him landed at a seaport as remote as possible from France. He calls him

ful reply to this letter, took occasion to introduce, unofficially, an extract from the emperor's speech to the legislative body, expressive of his wish for peace with England, and his readiness to negotiate, without a moment's delay, agreeably to the treaty of Amiens.

Mr. Fox considered this communication as a distinct overture, and proceeded to answer it in that frank and direct style, which is the characteristic of all his public despatches. He objected to the uncertainty of the basis of Amiens; the variety of modes in which it had been interpreted; and the delay which the explanations on the meaning of it would unavoidably occasion, even if no other objection should exist. "The true basis of such a negotiation," he observed, "between two great powers, equally despising every idea of chicane, would be the reciprocal recognition of the following principle; viz. that the object of both parties should be a peace, honourable for both, and for their respective allies; and at the same time, of a nature to secure, as far as in their power, the future tranquillity of Europe." then proceeded to state the impossibility of treating, much less of concluding any treaty, unless in concert with Russia; but Suggested the practicability of some previous discussion of the principal points, and some provisional arrangements, while they were waiting for the actual intervention of that power.

He

A correspondence of some length ensued, in which, as M. Talleyrand observed, there is a character of openness and precision, that had not hitherto been seen in the communications between the two courts. The great difficulty consisted in the admission of Russia into the negotiation. M. Talleyrand endeavoured with much ingenuity to represent that power as interposing its authority between two nations fully competent to adjust their own differences, but Mr. Fox insisted on her being a party in the question as an ally of Great Britain, whose interests were inseLETTER FROM M. TALLEYRAND TO MR. SECRETARY FOX. (Translation.)

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SIR,

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"Paris, 5th March, 1806.

"I have laid your excellency's letter before his were, I recognise here the principles of honour majesty. His first words, after having read it, and virtue, by which Mr. Fox has ever been aetuated. Thank him on my part.' I will not alfirst entrance, I did him the honour to believe him sions of his imperial and royal majesty. I only low myself, sir, to add any thing to the expres

self here Guillet de la Gevrilliere, but I think it is a false name which he has assumed. At his

to be a spy.

I have the honour to he,

"With the most perfect attachment, sir,

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Your most obedient servant,

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request you to accept the assurances of my dis tinguished consideration.

(Signed) "CH. MAU. TALLEYRAND." *Mr. Fox's Despatch, dated March 26, 1806.

parably connected with her own. To bring The English cabinet considered this the discussion to a point, Mr. Fox stated intimation as a departure from the princiexplicitly, that his majesty was willing ples and basis of the negotiation, which to negotiate conjointly with Russia, but had been held out to them as inducements would not consent to negotiate separately. to treat, and as an indication of the little To this proposal, M. Talleyrand re-urged reliance that could be placed in the lanthe former objections, and the first over-guage or sincerity of the French negotiature may be said to have failed in conse- tors. The instructions, therefore, to Lord quence of the determination of England Yarmouth, were distinct and peremptory. not to negotiate separately, and the un- He was directed to insist generally on the willingness of France to admit the inter-recurrence to the original overtures, and vention of Russia. to make the readmission of Sicily as the

As the unwillingness of France to adhere to her original offers, not only occasioned the first departure from that spirit of conciliation in which the former correspondence had been conducted, but was the real cause of the ultimate failure of the negotiation, the substance of those overtures necessarily forms the most important part of the whole transaction.

Early in the month of June, Lord Yar- sine qua non of the production of his full mouth, son of the Marquis of Hertford, powers, which, "to avoid all pretence of who had been among the detained in cavil," were conveyed to him without France, arrived in London, and communi- delay. In the mean while, the Russian cated the substance of a conversation with plenipotentiary, M. D'Oubril, who had arM. Talleyrand, which had passed at the rived in Paris on the 10th of July, had desire of that minister, for the purpose of signed a separate peace with the French conveying, through a secret and confiden-government. In this posture of affairs, tial channel, the sentiments and views of Lord Lauderdale, a nobleman whose disFrance, and the outlines of the terms on cernment and talents eminently qualified which peace might be restored between him for the task, and whose uniform disthe two countries. The terms sketched position to a pacific system of policy was out in the conversation seemed so favour- a strong earnest of the sincerity of the able, that the English cabinet lost no time British cabinet in their endeavours to in conveying to M. Talleyrand their dis- obtain peace, was despatched to Paris. position to commence a negotiation on the Nor were these the only recommendations basis contained in them. of his lordship. The health of Mr. Fox began at this period to decline, and the nomination of his personal friend, and tried political adherent, was a pledge that the cabinet continued to promote his views, and to consult the spirit of his policy.-The first endeavour of Lord Lauderdale, on his arrival at Paris, was to bring back the French government to the basis of the uti possidetis, and to the apIt appears that three specific offers were plication of that principle to the island held out as inducements to Great Britain of Sicily. Lord Yarmouth, after having to treat; viz. the restoration of Hanover, for that purpose concurred with his colthe possession of Sicily, as a consequence league, in representing formally and of of the principle of the uti possidetis-the ficially the substance and tendency of state of actual possession-and a facility M. Talleyrand's original overtures, left in the arrangement of the form of treating, the subsequent part of the negotiation exwhich without establishing a congress, or clusively in his hands. The French nerecognising the claim of a joint negotiation, gotiators (for M. Champagny, minister would not impair the advantages which of the interior, was soon appointed joint Great Britain and Russia might derive plenipotentiary with General Clark) never from their close connexion and alliance. actually admitted the basis of the uti possiM. Talleyrand, in the first interview detis, after the arrival of Lord Lauderdale, with Lord Yarmouth, after his return to and constantly evaded the acknowledgment Paris, not only departed entirely from his of having in the first instance made that clear and explicit offer of Sicily, but in- proposal.-They contrived however, under dulged himself in vain allusions to further various pretences, and in one instance by demands, and in peremptory representa- a delay in the passports, for a messenger, tions of the necessity of negotiating with to detain Lord Lauderdale at Paris, till it some persons duly authorized and em- became the policy of Great Britain, as powered to treat. The first deviation well as France, to await the decision of from the original overtures, was received the court of St. Petersburg, on the treaty by the British ministry as the omen of which M. D'Oubril had carried thither for the failure of negotiation; and from that ratification. period Mr. Fox is said to have despaired of its successful issue.

On the 3d of September, a courier brought the intelligence to Paris, that the emperor

This paper insinuates that the

of Russia had refused to ratify M. D'Ou- | parte. bril's treaty, and M. Talleyrand, with principles of Mr. Fox had been abandoned great apparent frankness, informed the by his colleagues and successors; that a British negotiator of this piece of intel- departure from the basis laid down by him ligence, the day after its arrival in Paris, had thrown the first obstacle in the way and assured him that France was now pre- of pacification; and that to the loss of that pared to make peace with England on great man alone was to be ascribed the more favourable terms than she otherwise further continuance of the calamities of would have been disposed to admit; but, war. To these charges, Lord Lauderdale as it was soon obvious, that the abandon-delivered a spirited, manly, and convincing ment of Russia was to be the price of reply. Indeed, no impartial person can more favourable terms, so ostentatiously peruse the early part of the negotiation, announced to Great Britain, the honoura- without being persuaded, that if the ble determination of our court not to lis- French had conducted themselves towards ten to any such projects, prevented any Mr. Fox, as they did towards his succesprecise detail of the concessions France sors, the result must have been precisely was willing to make for the attainment of the same. Whether, if the life of Mr. her object. Mr. Fox was now unable to Fox had been fortunately preserved, confidischarge the duties of his office, and dence in that great character, reliance on the expectations of bringing the nego- the stability and permanence of his power tiations to a favourable issue were daily at home, and apprehension of the authodiminished. rity of his name throughout Europe, and in France in particular, might not have induced Bonaparte to relax in his pretensions, and to revert to the counsels of moderation which seem to have dictated M. Talleyrand's first correspondence, is mere matter of speculation.

In the mean while, Bonaparte had left Paris for the army on the Rhine, and one of the plenipotentiaries (General Clarke) as well as M. Talleyrand, accompanied him on his journey. M. Champagny, who remained to conduct the negotiation, was authorized neither to relinquish the claims of Joseph upon Sicily, nor to acquiesce in such an arrangement as would have satisfied the court of St. Petersburg. The negotiation was therefore at an end, and Lord Lauderdale peremptorily insisted on his passports.

The obvious policy of France, when she despaired of any separate peace with Great Britain, was to induce her to admit in the project of a treaty, such terms as she foresaw would alienate the affections, and shake the confidence, of her ally the Emperor of Russia. The honourable determination of our cabinet, and the firm but temperate conduct of our negotiator, defeated the design; and his earnest and peremptory demand of passports was at length granted, though they were accompanied with a note, evidently composed under the immediate direction of Bona

The animosity, so studiously excited at the commencement of the war, was by no means extinguished in this country; and an incident soon occurred, which served to show that motives still more inexcusable contributed to the general sentiment in favour of a rupture of the negotiation. Though the grounds upon which the discussion had broken off were unknown, the intelligence of Lord Lauderdale's departure from Paris was received at the great commercial resort, in the city of London,* with bursts of approbation; and shouts of applause, at the prospect of the conti nuance of the war, served to show with how much indifference the calamities of the world can be contemplated, when they serve to administer to the gratification of a spirit of commercial cupidity.

⚫ Lloyd's Coffee-house.

CHAPTER IX.

BRITISH HISTORY:-Last Sickness and Death of Mr. Fox-Memoir-New Ministerial ArrangementsDissolution of Parliament-NAVAL CAMPAIGN OF 1806: Annihilation of the French Squadron under Admiral Le Seigle, by the Fleet under the command of Admiral Sir John Thomas Duckworth— Dispersion and Destruction of Admiral Villaumez's Squadron by a tempest-Capture of the Marengo and Belle Poule, by the Squadron under Sir J. B. Warren-Gallant Achievements by the West India Fleet-Capture of four French Frigates by Sir Samuel Hood-Surrender of the Cape of Good Hope to the English Troops, under Sir David Baird-Unauthorized Expedition against South America-Surrender of Buenos Ayres to the English-Reconquest of that Capital-Insurrection against the Emperor of Haytı, violent Death of Dessalines, and Appointment of Christophe as his Successor-Differences between Great Britain and the United States of America-The Points stated and discussed.

THE accession of Mr. Fox to power, ducing that temporary relief which it selwhatever hopes it might excite in a politi- dom fails to effect: but the disease was cal party, or in the great body of the na- too formidable for effectual resistance, and, tion, was a circumstance pregnant to him- in a short time, even for mitigation. After self with inconvenience and danger. In a a series of increasing languors, amidst life of retirement, which, comparatively which the fondness of affection would speaking at least, he might be said to en- seem to perceive foundations for hope, joy, before his summons to power by which medical skill could never really adthe death of his political rival, the conse- mit; this great man closed his connexion quences of his youthful eccentricities were with all mortal scenes, at Chiswick, the capable of being palliated by cautious seat of the Duke of Devonshire, on the attention and remedial applications. But 13th of September, in the 59th year of his on his advance to office, the perplexities age. The regret occasioned by this event of intrigue, the collision of claims, the was evinced by the general feeling at the chagrin of submitting to arrangements receipt of the intelligence, notwithstandwhich he most desired to preclude, but ing it had been so long expected, and by which it seemed requisite to adopt, the pro- that procession which some time afterlonged contest in parliament, the frequent wards took place on the solemn interment. summonses to council, and even the very The funeral was solemnized at private exconvivialities with which it was thought pense, but it was attended by the most expedient to celebrate and cement a new distinguished nobility, by vast numbers of administration, were but ill calculated for the house of commons, many dignitaries of the preservation of that health, which was the church, men of genius and talents now, more than ever, desirable; but seem- from all quarters, a numerous body of the ed also more than ever in danger. In a electors of Westminster, and gentlemen few months, symptoms appeared of an deputed from distant parts of the country, alarming nature, and it was strongly ap- in testimony of their respect for the chaprehended that Mr. Fox laboured under an racter of the deceased, and an immense incipient dropsy. The business of the assemblage of the general population of house of commons, he was, in conse- the metropolis. One general sentiment of quence of his impaired health, obliged to grief appeared to overwhelm all the disabandon; but with this deduction from his tinctions of party politics, and the day harassing employments, the remainder that consigned Fox to the grave, was conpressed too heavily upon him; and what-secrated from all profane and factious asever chance might have been afforded by perity, to deplore the loss of a man, whose a total abstinence from public business, genius, acquirements, and virtues, did hoand a recurrence to his rural retirement nour to the nation and to the age. The and regularity, this chance was not af- private character of this great man appears forded. It was not long before the most to have abounded in all those qualities decided indications of dropsy appeared, in which can conciliate affection and esteem. consequence of which all hope of conti- The independence of his mind was totally nued life was founded upon a long suc- unmixed with any portion of that surly cession of operations, which, in compara- asperity with which it is too frequently tively vigorous subjects, have sometimes connected; and, while it excited respect, preserved the springs of life for a series it did not impair attachment. The frankof years, but which a broken constitution ness of his manners, the generosity of his has seldom, if ever, been capable of sus- feelings, which, agreeably to the testimony taining. The operation of tapping was of one who knew him well, were unalseveral times performed on Mr. Fox, pro-loyed by the smallest particle of gall;

the elevation of his principles; and that| self-oblivion, which he displayed in circumstances in which personal interest, in common minds, appears to absorb every other sentiment; procured for him, in return, a degree of regard, which, perhaps, was scarcely ever extended to any other human individual, as he appears to have been excelled by no one in the tenderness of his affections, the sublimity of his views, and the comprehension and sagacity of his understanding.*

*The Right Hon. CHARLES JAMES Fox, born the 13th of January, 1749, was the second son of Henry Lord Holland, by the sister of the Duke of Richmond, and to the accidental favours of high rank and of titled relatives, he added the more solid advantages of extraordinary natural genius, and strong powers of mind. After a short initiation at Westminster school, he was removed to Eton, and from Eton he removed to Oxford, where he is said to have studied more than ten hours a day during the whole time. The uniformity of a college life did not long agree with the ardour of his mind, and after some time spent at the university, he set out on the usual tour of Europe. Though he indulged freely in the dissipations over which his rank and fortune gave him the command, yet he did not fail to acquire that intimate knowledge of the world, and of human nature, which fitted him for the most exalted rank in the state. An unfortunate attachment to the gaming table, which can never be passed over in silence, nor spoken of without becoming censure, was the principal error of Mr. Fox's youth; and before he was eighteen years of age he had lavished away large sums of money, and contracted very heavy debts. His father, being apprized of these excesses, recalled his favourite son. At nineteen years of age, he was elected a member of parliament for Midhurst, and his first speech was in favour of ministers, and against Mr. Wilkes and the Middlesex election. After sharing the favours of the minister as a lord of the admiralty, and afterwards as a lord of the treasury, he was dismissed from office by the following laconic epistle from the premier :

"SIR-His majesty has thought proper to order a new commission of treasury to be made out, in which I do not see your name.

On the death of Mr. Fox, Lord Gren ville, on whom the duty of suggesting the new ministerial arrangements naturally devolved, recommended to his majesty the

turned to power by his well known coalition with
Lord North. This event is regarded as a stigma
in the political life of Fox, who, in the ardour of
his zeal, had often declared, that he would not
but would employ all his powers to bring him to
the scaffold for the flagitiousness of his public
crimes. A union bottomed in ambition, and de-
precated by every class of his majesty's subjects,
could not long be sustained. The memorable in-
dia bill proved fatal to the coalition minsitry, and
produced their downfall. Mr. Fox had ever
shown himself a friend of peace, and on two oc-
casions his powerful eloquence proved of the last
importance to the nation; first, by preventing an
unprofitable war with Russia, relative to the pos
session of Oczakow; and secondly, by arresting
an armament against Spain, which had no higher
object than a participation in the fur-trade of
Nootka Sound. On the regency question, during
the king's illness, in 1788, Mr. Fox insist
the right of the prince to the regency, while his
great political rival took the constitutional ground;
but the restoration of the sovereign's health set-
tled the violent and protracted discussions of this
momentous question.

trust himself in the same room with Lord North

upon

No sooner had the French nation evinced a sincere desire to shake off the yoke of absolute power, than Mr. Fox hailed the auspicious dawn of rising liberty. At first, the two great rival chiefs, who agreed in nothing else, united cordially in this cause, and while one presaged a long and uninterrupted peace, the extinction of the national debt, and the prosperity of the British empire; the other gloried in beholding a mighty people rescued from the most oppressive servitude, and augured the happiest results in favour of the human race. Soon, they became opposed to each other, and the most serious conflicts were the result of their discussions. Mr. Fox experienced the dereliction of many of his associates, and among others of Mr. Burke, the man from whose lips he had imbibed the principles of freedom. War was commenced; a war, to which Mr. Fox, in every stage of its progress, gave his decided negative; but Mr. Pitt, who was supposed to engage in the contest with reluctance, left no means untried to secure the support of parliament. Titles, offices, and honours, were distributed with no sparing hand; the opposition benches were At the general election in 1780, the family bo- nearly deserted, and Mr. Fox was left, almost rough of Midhurst having fallen into different alone, to contend with a host of foes. Finding hands, Mr. Fox, conscious of his own powers, be- his efforts without effect, he determined to secede came a candidate for the city of Westminster, in from parliament, and evinced a wish to retire alwhich, after a violent contest, he succeeded, together from public life; but the entreaties of though opposed by the formidable interest of the his friends, and the occurrence of a new train of Newcastle family, and by the whole influence of events, prevented the execution of that design. the crown. Being now the representative of a In 1803, he returned to his parliamentary duty, and great city, he appeared in parliament in a more the death of his great political rival, in the begindignified capacity, and acquired a considerable ning of 1806, brought him, after an interval of two increase of importance to his political character and-twenty years, into his former office of secre During the American war, he was a regular, con- tary of state for foreign affairs. Aware that he sistent, and active antagonist of the ministry, and had but a short space before him, he declared that the powerful and frequent application of his supe- he should die contented, if he could but previ rior talents to popular purposes, obtained him the ously obtain a peace-an honourable peace, for title of "The man of the people." On the remo-Britain; remove all legal disabilities arising ou val of Lord North, he was raised to a seat in the cabinet, as secretary of state. The death of the Marquis of Rockingham soon afterwards dissolved the new ministry, and Mr. Fox, after some time opposing the measures of Lord Shelburne, re

(Signed)

"NORTH."

of religion, in order to unite more closely the in terests of Ireland with those of England; and lastly, obtain a complete abolition of the slave trade. Scarcely had he commenced his career of public and official business, before the power

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