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conceived that this annexation of Genoa to Piedmont, was rendering a service to the cause, they were not under the necessity of adopting such a measure. No power could possibly have any other motive but the general good on this occasion. France might, indeed, have had an interest the other way, and to keep up the difference between Piedmont and Genoa; but the French government did not attempt to act in any such spirit, and they were a willing party to this act. It was from a sincere conviction that it was necessary to make the barrier effectual on the Italian side, as well as the other, that they thought it advisable to intrust the entrance by the Alps and by the Genoese sea to the same hands; and on this principle alone was Genoa annexed to Piedmont. The decision was exempt from bad faith in the most unequivocal sense of the word. He trusted that the House would see that this measure was grounded on a large view of military expediency; and with the avowed and understood object of strengthening that flank against France. This measure was neither adopted for the sake of any of the allied powers, nor from any feeling for the king of Sardinia himself, but from a conviction that in so strengthening the king of Sardinia, they would best consult the interests of the general policy of Europe. The noble lord said, he should be failing in his duty to the allies, if he did not state that this measure was followed up in such a way as was best calculated to promote the interests of the Genoese people. Every possible step had been taken to secure to them their different interests; and he believed that their present government would be a more popular one than that under the ancient republic, which was an oligarchy of the purest description.

Having dismissed the question of Genoa, the noble lord proceeded to inculcate the necessity of supporting government, by abstaining from the discussion of measures which were not before the House. Those premature and inflammatory descriptions of the conduct of the different governments were more likely to produce public disturbances, and to impede the progress of the negociation, than to produce any other object. The cause of this country had been very much injured by that sort of inability which seemed to belong to some members of withholding their judgments till any subject could come with propriety before them.

[Hear, hear, hear!] Parliament was not formerly so much in the habit of antici pating discussions, and he trusted that such an indiscreet practice would not be countenanced by the House. The House would not expect that he should now enter upon the discussion of any branches of interests not yet brought to a decisionas the understood arrangement of the powers of Europe. With the exception however of one branch, on which he could not at present give any information, namely, the arrangement of Italy south of the Po, he could state that all the other arrangements were concluded in nearly the same form in which they would stand in the ultimate treaty, and were considered as binding on the different powers as if they were the subject of a treaty. He had no objection to state in answer to the hon. gentleman that France had been an honest power at the Congress, and had done her best for Europe and herself; and that she had consented to these arrangements. The noble lord went into a justification of the conduct of the different governments at the Congress; and he contended that these governments could not be said to have acted from sordid views. Till the reconstruction of the great powers of Austria and Prussia, there was a great blank in Europe, and there could not be said to be any bulwark against future aggression. Till those powers were restored, Europe was not herself. There was nothing in the conduct of either of those states from which their moderation could be called in question. They wished to be replaced in the state of their possessions in 1805. In taking this state Austria at least had not chosen a period the most markedly advantageous. Had she taken the year 1792, when she had the Low Countries, though not Venice, she would have taken a period when her population was at least two millions higher. Prussia took the period before being dismembered by France, and she had not received 40,000 inhabitants more than she possessed at that period. Nothing, therefore, could be less open to accusation than the great features of the arrangement. With respect to Saxony, it was, no doubt, true, that at one time it was in contemplation to incorporate the whole of that country with Prussia. He was one of the persons who bad opposed this incorporation; and it was ultimately by the sacrifice of the interests of Holland and Hanover that the

other sacrifice was made in favour of the king of Saxony. But while he stated this he would broadly contend that the right of conquest, under certain circumstances, would warrant the incorporation of the whole of one country with another. He did not wish to say any thing painful to the feelings of the sovereign of Saxony, whom he wished to continue long to reign over his Saxon subjects: he had fallen on unfortunate times; but if ever the principle of conquest had a legitimate appli- With regard to Poland, his lordship had cation it was in the case of the king of interested himself as much as possible, to Saxony. He had returned to his connec- procure a determination that would be tion with France, after he was placed in equally satisfactory to all parties; and circumstances which might have with whatever might be the particular arrangedrawn him from it, if he had not thought ments that the separate powers might the other course more for his interest. With adopt, they would all be dictated by the respect to the principles of conquest, same spirit of liberality and justice that there was no writer who would deny that had governed the great states in all arthe country and people of a conquered rangements. The main object of concienemy, with arms in their hands, did not liating the people would not be lost sight fall a sacrifice to the conqueror. Happily of, and they would be relieved from those this principle had been modified in mo- local difficulties and personal disqualificadern warfare by two principles, the one tions under which they formerly laboured. the receiving a reasonable indemnification, Whatever system of policy might forand the other the reasonable security to merly exist, the Poles would now be gobe given to prevent the recurrence of fu- verned as Poles; and with regard to territure attack. It was no argument that torial arrangement, and to the particular other powers had also been in alliance form of government that each possessor with Buonaparté; for they had afterwards would establish, he wished the House to contributed to the salvation of Europe; suspend any opinion until more detailed and the compensation fell properly in an information was supplied. In erecting aggravated proportion, on the power them into a separate kingdom, hon. genwhich came last in. But the principle tlemen would not forget the many diffion which he conceived the measure of in-culties that must be encountered, not corporation unadvisable was, that it would have been a mischief to Prussia rather than an advantage; for the general feeling in Germany at the sacrifice of an ancient family, would have revolted against Prussia. Then came the proclamation of prince Repnin on delivering up the government to the Prussian authori In calling the attention of Parliament ties, which he really believed originated to those parts of the arrangements that in one of those misconceptions to which more peculiarly regarded this country, he the best officers were liable. When the should have had less satisfaction, if, during proclamation first came into his hands, he the course of his mission, he had employ(lord C.) lost no time in shewing it to the ed himself in obtaining concessions, the Prussian minister, who said that it was objects of which were merely the separate the first time he had seen it. Count Nes- aggrandizement and interest of Great selrode, the Russian minister, made a si- Britain; but in the case of Holland, in milar declaration; and in return to an whose establishment under the present official note which he (lord C.) addressed system, we were individually deeply into prince Hardenberg, that minister re- terested, the allied powers had felt, as turned an official declaration that the they must feel, that they were all gaining proclamation was wholly unauthorized on an equivalent advantage. If it were imthe part of Prussia. Such were the un-politic for this country, as no one would equivocal declarations of both these courts. deny, that France should in future possess It was true that the Prussian government, the large naval resources supplied by a t

the nation, and army, felt a strong interest in the possession of Saxony, in consideration of the efforts and sacrifices which they had made in the common cause, and the importance of the line of defence which it would have afforded. Nothing, perhaps, but a wish to conciliate the nations of Europe, and their receiving the line of the Elbe, could have induced them voluntarily to have relinquished their views.

merely in procuring the assent of the monarchs who were interested, but in severing immense tracts of territory bound to its neighbour during a long course of years, until at length they had grown, as it were, into each other, and were some. times incapable of separate existence.

servation of the general liberties of Europe. In noticing the treaty with Spain, upon which the hon. gentleman had commented, the noble lord expressed his conviction, that on procuring from that country in its present situation, an acknowledgment like that which had been referred to, much had been procured; and he thought that some reliance was to be placed upon the assurances given both by that country and by Portugal. He vindicated government from the imputation that they had not procured that proper neutrality between the king of Spain and his South American subjects; and he severely censured the hon. member who had brought forward this subject, for recommending that the British nation should erect itself into an arbiter between a sovereign and his revolted subjects. His lordship never could prevail upon himself to pay any respect to opinions given to encourage rebellious subjects, and he thought that the individual who delivered them travelled far beyond the duty he owed to his own sovereign. He admitted that the scenes transacting in South America were disgusting and painful; he allowed also that Spain, with respect to commerce, had not conducted herself with the liberality we had deserved, but that clouds of prejudice prevented her from seeing how nearly her own interests were connected with those of this country.

long line of coast from the Pyrennees to the Texel, it was not less the interest of the other states of Europe to prevent the application of such means; and at the same time, by erecting Holland into a powerful and independent kingdom, under the House of Orange, by the annexation of territory formerly belonging to Austria, an essential service was rendered to all the continental powers. It was but a tribute due to the sovereign now reigning, to say, that none of the high individuals had been more successful in gaining the confidence of his subjects, by persevering endeavours for their benefit, by liberality in the exercise of his authority, and by a happy talent of drawing resources equally from all parts of the dominions so recently placed in his hands. What he had said of Holland would apply equally to Hanover: the Sovereign of Great Britain had not consulted merely his own private interests, and his allies were sensible of the enlarged views upon which he had acted. On this point there had always been some degree of jealousy in this country; but he was rather inclined to think that Hanover had, generally speaking, suffered more than she had gained from the connexion. Its people had recently proved themselves faithful supporters of Great Britain; and he would say that there had not been a more efficient, more faithful, and honest body of men in our service than the Hanoverian Legion; they amounted to not less than 12,000 men, to which number they had always been kept up by voluntary enrolment, and it was not too much to say that the absence of such a corps might have had a most injurious effect on our military exertions. The preservation of the importance of Hanover, as a constituent state of Germany, should therefore be dear to us, as well in this point of view, as from its connexion with our reigning family. The increase of territory she had received tended to consolidate her connexion with this country, by the extent of sea coast which it gave her: while liable to be intercepted from this country, her efficiency was less considerable. From the moment also she was in close contact with Holland for an extent of 150 miles; this naturally contributed to strengthen and protect her. Neither was this a connexion of which our continental allies were at all disposed to feel jealous. They were thoroughly convinced that no interest was felt so strongly in this country as the con

The noble lord said, he concurred in several parts of what the hon. member had said regarding the events that had recently occurred in France. What course of policy England would pursue in regard to the convulsion by which France was at present agitated, he could not venture to state, but upon the issue of that contest much of the happiness and repose of the world in future depended. If Buonaparté succeeded in re-establishing his authority in France, peace must be despaired of; at least such a peace as we had recently the hope of enjoying. The question now was, whether Europe must once more return to that dreadful system which it had so long pursued; whether Europe was again to become a series of armed nations, and whether Great Britain among them was to abandon that wholesome state into which she was now settling, to resume her station as a military people, and again to struggle for the independence of the world? These were questions of no small magnitude, depending upon events now in issue, depending upon a new and an

unexpected contest, in which the liberties of mankind were once more assaulted and endangered. It was not merely a question whether the Bourbon family, which had already given so many benefits to France, and among them, that best of all benefits, peace, should continue to reign in France, but whether tyranny and despotism should again reign over the independent nations of the continent? Whether as applied to this country, we should enjoy the happy state that we had bought with our blood after a long struggle, or whether we should once more revert to that artificial system which, during that struggle, we were compelled to maintain? Upon these points there could exist only one feeling, and his lordship trusted that Providence would ordain only one result. After referring again to the efforts made by the King of France to give a free constitution to that country, and the success with which the experiment had been attended during the sitting of the legislature for five or six months, his lordship concluded by justifying himself for not having, as much as might be wished by some, endeavoured abroad to introduce the free principles of the British constitution; he had not, like a missionary, gone about to preach to the world its excellency and its fitness, because he by no means felt convinced, that in countries yet in a state of comparative ignorance, and brought up under a system so diametrically opposite, it could be advantageously introduced. A great deal had been done to promote the happiness of nations, and if Buonaparté was not permitted to intercept the prospects which were arising, never could Europe look forward to brighter days than those which it might now anticipate. The noble lord sat down amidst loud and repeated cheers.

An hon. member under the gallery, whose name we could not learn, remarked upon the mode in which the noble lord had cast imputations upon lord William Bentinck, for the purpose of justifying his own conduct.

Lord Castlereagh, in explanation, observed, that he had not argued that lord W. Bentinck in any respect had acted inconsistently with his duty; on the contrary, the foundation of what he had said with regard to Genoa was, that the British minister having no such power, had not re-established permanently, but only provisionally, the ancient government of the capital of the Ligurian Republic,

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Mr. Ponsonby argued, that the noble lord could only escape from the charge by removing the weight to lord W. Bentinck, as he had done, in fact, though not perhaps in argument, in the course of his speech. He hoped that the original instructions to the British minister in Italy would be produced upon some future occasion. He did not understand the very unsatisfactory explanation made by the noble lord with regard to Poland. What was meant by the assertion that the Poles would be governed as Poles?' Had they not been so governed heretofore? and if so, what new advantage had they acquired? With respect to Saxony, the noble lord's statement was by no means convincing, and he hoped that all the documents would be laid upon the table, and that the noble lord would be ready to give the necessary explanations. It appeared to him, that a very extraordinary and unparliamentary course had been pursued upon the present occasion, for the noble lord, contrary to all practice, had first made his speech, and then was to produce the papers. After the Easter recess he would probably make some motion upon the subject, but in the mean time, until all the information was afforded, he protested against being supposed to give any opinion upon the subject.

Mr. Whitbread, in reply, remarked, that considering the charge of the noble lord, that he had brought forward his accusations upon illicit information, it was singular that the noble lord had not only not ventured to give one of them a contradiction, but that they had all turned out to be true and authentic evidences. The noble lord had said that he had not deemed it a part of his duty to go about the contineut like a missionary, preaching the English constitution. He was glad that the noble lord had not undertaken the task, for assuredly it would have been most inadequately executed, if his speeches there would have been like those in parliament, which, like that just delivered, was a libel upon the excellency of our constitution: one of those libels was the bad effect of discussions like the present in parliament; but Mr. W. said, he was disposed to apply a very different epithet to them, and to assert, that even with regard to the Congress the effect had been most beneficial. To what a state of degradation would the noble lord reduce the House of Commons, a part of our excellent constitution, when he would make it

dependent upon an envoy at Vienna, whether it should or should not be submissively silent. In his view the noble lord's explanation was complete and satisfactory in no one point. Regarding that large tract of territory upon the left bank of the Rhine, the noble lord had given no information; and as to Belgium, Saxony, and Genoa, the information given was altogether delusive. What did the noble lord mean to say regarding the Poles? Did he mean to be understood? What was meant by the Poles being governed like Poles? unless indeed, as had been long the case with that unhappy people, they were to be continued in a state of bondage to the will of their temporary masters. As to Saxony, the noble lord had said, that the proclamation of prince Repain was unauthorized; but who could tell whether, on the remonstrance being made, it had not been diplomatically disavowed by Prussia, while the agent was abandoned? He would again repeat the question, Why did the noble lord go to Vienna, and why did he come back? Because he was ordered, was the answer. Who ordered him? Why, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, and the Master of the Mint; and yet the noble lord had talked so soundingly of his responsibility, and his confidence in himself, which enabled him to decide upon points without instructions, which would have deJayed the mighty machine of Congress. He hoped, as Buonaparté had said, that the Congress was now dissolved, and that it would not turn out that what in his hands they had called robbery and plunder, in their holy keeping was vested right and legal property.

Mr. Wilberforce expressed his satisfaction at what had been done respecting the Slave Trade.

The Address was then agreed to.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Tuesday, March 21.

CONGRESS AT VIENNA ] The Marquis Wellesley wished to know whether it was the intention of ministers to make any communication, as from the Executive Government to that House on the subject of the arrangements at Vienna. Considering the immense magnitude of the interests concerned, and the consequences with which they might be attended in regard to this country, it was fitting that some authoritative communication should (VOL. XXX. )

be made from the Prince Regent in the manner which a just sense of the greatness of the subject, and the respect due to that House, required. Arrangements so extensive and important had never before taken place in Europe at one time, and their lordships ought to be made acquainted with the circumstances without delay.

The Earl of Liverpool replied, that there was every inclination on the part of ministers to advise the Prince Regent to make every communication to the House that might be consistent with the public service. He had before stated, that the communication should be made when the arrangements were completed, as far as this could be done without injury to the public service. They were not all completed; but he had no objection now to state, that the arrangements which had already taken place would be communicated from the Prince Regent soon after the recess. In answer to a question from the marquis of Buckingham, he said, that the papers respecting Genoa would be included; in answer to a question from earl Grey, he said, that he could not pledge himself as to the possibility of laying the papers on the table previous to the recess, so that they might be considered in the interim; and in answer to a question from lord Grenville, he stated, that he should take care to have the printed copies on the table as soon as the papers were laid there.

BANK RESTRICTION BILL.] The order of the day for the third reading of the Bank Restriction Bill being read,

The Earl of Liverpool rose and said, that he could anticipate no objection to the third reading of this Bill, because, however they might have differed formerly on the subject, no one would contend that the present was the proper period for resuming cash payments. Considering all the circumstances that had taken place previous to the termination of hostilities, the consequences of which were still heavily felt, this must be considered as of all others the least favourable moment for putting an end to the restriction. The Bill was made to expire on the 5th of July, 1816, and this period had been fixed upon with two views; first, that the Legislature might have the subject under consideration in the course of the next session; and second, because some hopes were entertained that by the (X)

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