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of his officers, and other assistants, and carried his lordship away to the prison from which he had escaped; notwithstanding a remonstrance from him, that they had no right to lay their hands upon him there:

"That by a Return in the Crown-office of the 16th day of July, 1814, it appears that lord Cochrane was returned to serve as a citizen for the city of Westminster on the 16th day of July 1814.

"Having ascertained these facts, it became the duty of your committee to consider whether the Marshal of the King's Bench, in the execution of what he conceived to be his duty, has been guilty of a breach of the privilege of this House.

"In deliberating on a matter of such bigh importance, your Committee have to regret that they could find nothing in the Journals of this House to guide them: the case is entirely of a novel nature; they can therefore only report it as their opinion,

"That, under the particular circumstances given in evidence, it does not appear to your committee that the privileges of parliament have been violated, so as to call for the interposition of the House by any proceedings against the Marshal of the King's-bench."

The Report was ordered to lie on the table.

On the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the House then adjourned till Monday se'nnight, the 3rd of April.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Monday, April 3.

CONGRESS AT VIENNA-DECLARATION OF THE ALLIES.] The House met pursuant to adjournment. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in moving the postponement of the Committee of Supply until Wednesday, took occasion to state, that on that day an important communication would be made to the House, upon the subject of existing circumstances.

Mr. Whitbread said, he should be glad to know whether any other minister was expected in the House in the course of the evening, and whether the Secretary for Foreign Affairs was likely to attend? An expectation very naturally prevailed that some communication would be made to the House respecting certain extraordinary events, and the prospects, as far as ministers could ascertain, likely to arise (VOL. XXX.)

out of those events. The right hon. gentleman had had the second reading of the Assessed Taxes Bill postponed to Monday next, but he had not told the House whether he then meant to move its second reading, or whether he proposed to move a farther postponement; nor had the right hon. gentleman stated whether, as rumour represented, it was his intention to aban don this Bill altogether, and to resort again to the property tax. In such circumstances some explanation was ob viously necessary; but having stated thus much, he would abstain from saying more than merely to express a wish that ministers would spontaneously come forward at this interesting crisis, and make such a communication as was due to that House and to the country.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer apprehended that if the House should continue to sit for a short time, his noble friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs might be expected; but lest he should not appear in his place, before the House adjourned, he thought it proper to state, in order to prevent any misapprehensions, that it was intended very shortly to make a communication to that House, from the Prince Regent, of the steps which ministers were taking, and meant to take, at the present crisis, together with a statement of the motives which had determined their conduct.

Mr. Whitbread disclaimed any wish to hurry ministers, or to exact from them any premature communication, but he could not forbear to express his confident hope, that a certain declaration, purporting to emanate from the Congress at Vienna, was an infamous forgery, inasmuch as it went to sanction the doctrine of assassination. He trusted, therefore, for the honour and character of this country, that some of the names annexed to that paper were never authorized to sign any such document. While the noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs was at the Congress, he was understood to combine in himself all the powers of the executive government; but it was quite impossible to suppose that such powers were extended to lords Wellington, Clancarty, Cathcart, and Stewart, that they were authorized to put their names to such an infamous paper, or that they were invested with a power to declare war against any state.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer maintained that the paper alluded to, did not in any point authorize such an interpretation (Z)

as the hon. member had thought proper to could speak for himself without being ingive it. fluenced by the half articulate sounds of

great deal of wisdom in their private hints, although, when they addressed the House, they never happened to manifest any wisdom whatever. The hon. member concluded with repeating his question, whether the paper alluded to, was deemed authentic by ministers ?

The Chancellor of the Exchequer answered, that he would not be understood to say that that paper was disavowed by his Majesty's Government.

The motion for postponing the Com mittee of Supply was agreed to. Upon the motion for postponing the Committee of Ways and Means to Wednesday,

Mr. Whitbread observed, that in a pub-those, who meant, no doubt, to show a lication of yesterday, in which the doctrine of assassination was unblushingly avowed, [Goldsmith's Anti-Gallican Monitor,] this paper was quoted as a direct justification of that doctrine; and referring to the promulgation of the same doctrine from the same quarter, at a former period, in which the assassination of the person now possessing the government of France was openly recommended, the hon. gentleman stated, that a noble relative of his (earl Grey) had in another place strongly protested against that doctrine, being seconded in his reprobation of it by the marquis Wellesley, who was then a member of the Cabinet. It would also be recollected that he (Mr. W.) had, in that House, entered his protest against this abominable doctrine; and Mr. Perceval, who was himself, within twelve months afterwards, the victim of assassination, strongly disclaimed (if, indeed, a disclaimer were necessary) any concurrence in such doctrine on the part of his Majesty's Government. Nevertheless, this paper had the tendency and the effect of unsheathing the dagger of the assassin. Of this effect, indeed, there could be no doubt, as had been argued by the writer alluded to, who had even had the hardihood to name the persons who were fit to do the work, calling in to the aid of his recommendation this reported Declaration from Congress, which, if words were to be interpreted according to their natural import, did unquestionably hold out a defence for assassination. Were ministers, then, prepared to abide by and justify such an extraordinary document ?

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that ministers had in no degree departed, nor were desirous of departing, from the principles of Mr. Perceval, or the sentiments of lord Wellesley, on the occasion alluded to by the hon. member; but the names annexed to this paper, if it were authentic, afforded an ample pledge that nothing inconsistent with what was loyal, honourable, and proper, could have been intended by it.

Mr. Whitbread asked then, whether the right hon. gentleman meant to express a doubt of the authenticity of this paper; for there seemed something consolatory in his parenthesis, "if it were authentic." Here the hon. gentleman adverted to some muttering on the ministerial benches, observing that the right hon. gentleman

Mr. Whitbread observed, that the right hon. gentleman appeared, in the course of what he had said, to cast some doubt upon the authenticity of this infamous paper. The right hon. gentleman had urged that the names annexed to this paper, afforded a pledge that nothing inconsistent with what was loyal, honourable, and proper, could have been intended that was not enough: did the right hon. gentleman mean to contend that the paper itself contained nothing inconsistent with loyalty, honour, and propriety? because, if so, he was at issue with him on that point. He wished to know whether the paper alluded to, was meant to form a part of the promised communication, and also whether the persons whose names were attached to this paper, had any authority to sign such a document?

The Chancellor of the Exchequer expressed his opinion, that this paper contained nothing to sanction the doctrine of assassination, and this was all he thought proper to say upon the subject at present.

Mr. Whitbread again asked, whether it was intended to lay this paper before the House, with the promised communication, and also the authority upon which it was signed by our minister?

No answer was made, and the House adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Tuesday, April 4.

ASSIZE OF BREAD.] Mr. Frankland Lewis rose, pursuant to notice, to move for the appointment of a committee, to consider the existing laws with regard to the regulation of the Assize of Bread, and also whether it is expedient or not to have any

Mr. Rose said, that the Act of 1797, to which the hon. gentleman had referred, was not adopted without due inquiry; and that as to the effect of that Act, it was. found that the price of bread would have been higher if settled by the average price of wheat, than if settled by that of flour. It was undoubtedly true, that the quartern loaf was usually cheaper in the country than in London, sometimes, indeed, threepence cheaper, and this circumstance called for inquiry.

established assize. The hon. member | tually brought in upon the petition of the observed, that when the Corn Bill was bakers of London. To this statute the under discussion, it was repeatedly assert- hon. gentleman attributed the greater ed by the representatives for London, part, if not the whole, of the evil comthat if the average price of corn were at plained of in the London assize. The 80s. a quarter, the quartern loaf must be hon. gentleman observed, that this subject at 16d.; and although that assertion was had been investigated by committees of disproved again and again, still it was that House heretofore, without producing confidently repeated by the city members, any material result; but the public attenuntil at length no one took the trouble of tion being now so particularly directed contradicting them. But it was become towards it, it was not too much to say, obviously material to inquire, in order that the public wish should not be disapto set the matter at rest, and that no de- pointed. The hon. gentleman concluded lusion or misunderstanding should prevail with moving, "That a select committee upon a point of such importance. There be appointed to inquire into the state of were, however, other grounds upon which the existing laws which regulate the mathe inquiry he proposed was desirable. nufacture and sale of bread, and whether An opinion prevailed throughout the it is expedient to continue the assize country, that these laws of assize were thereon under any and what regulations; rather productive of mischief than of good. and that they do report the matter thereBut yet these laws had so long existed, of, as it shall appear to them, to the even indeed since the days of King John, House, together with their observations that it would be evidently improper to and opinion thereupon." accede, without previous inquiry, to any such measure as some gentlemen proposed, for doing away with these laws altogether. On this ground, then, he conceived a committee of inquiry ought to be appointed. He could not think it proper to trouble the House with any perplexing statement with respect to the effeots of the assize laws generally, nor indeed could he think it necessary, as he did not anticipate any opposition to the motion which he was about to submit; but he must say a few words as to the operation of the assize system, with which operation any member might easily make himself acquainted. It was a fact, that in places where no assize was resorted to -for it was discretionary with the magistrates to act upon the law of assize or not-the public were more favourably circumstanced. For instance, in the town of Birmingham, where the law of assize was not established, and where wheat was at 65s. a quarter, the quartern loaf was sold at 8d. by a company too, which divided 20 per cent. upon their capital. He did not mean to say that this bread was quite so white as that sold in London, but it was of the standard wheaten quality. If, then, the assize laws were really beneficial, how came this difference? According to the old law, the assize of bread was set by the price of wheat, but by a statute, applicable to London only, which was enacted in 1797, the assize was set by the price of flour; and this statute, which passed as a private bill, was ac

The motion was agreed to, and a committee appointed.

ESCAPE OF BUONAPARTE FROM ELBA.] Mr. Fremantle asked, whether any and what measures had been taken to prevent the escape of Buonaparté from the island of Elba?

Lord Castlereagh replied, that cruizers had been with that view stationed off the island of Elba.

Mr. Wynn observed, that he understood our naval officers in the Mediterranean stated, that if they even saw Buonaparté at sea, they had no authority to interfere with or interrupt his progress: he, therefore, wished to know whether that statement was correct?

Lord Castlereagh said, that he did not mean to argue the question.

Mr. Wynn added, that he did not ask the noble lord to argue, but to answer his question.

No answer was made.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Wednesday, April 5.

ESCAPE OF BUONAPARTE FROM ELBA.] Mr. Fremantle repeated the question which he had put yesterday, whether any and what instructions had been given to our officers in the Mediterranean, to prevent the departure of Buonaparté from the island of Elba?

Lord Castlereagh replied, that no other instructions had been given than to make such a distribution of our force as might serve to confine Napoleon at Elba. There was certainly an understanding with our officer stationed at Elba, that Napoleon was to be confined within certain limits, and that he should not be allowed to exceed those limits.

Mr. Fremantle asked, whether there had been any instructions sent to our naval officers upon this subject, and whether the noble lord had any objection to produce a copy of those instructions ?

Lord Castlereagh said, there was no positive instruction, but an understanding.

Mr. Tierney inquired, whether it was to be understood, that no precautionary measures had been issued to our officers to prevent Buonaparté from going to any part of the world he thought proper?

Lord Castlereagh declined to say any thing farther upon this subject at present, as there would be ample opportunity of discussing it and from that discussion he would not be found to shrink.

Mr. Wynn observed, that upon examining the papers laid on the table, he did not find any copy of that signed by the noble lord, with regard to the stipulations upon Buonaparté's abdication, and he wished to know whether the noble lord had any objection to have this paper laid before the House, as it was desirable to have it officially?

Lord Castlereagh said, that he had no objection whatever to the production of the paper alluded to, and therefore the hon. gentleman might move for it.

Mr. Wynn soon afterwards moved for a copy of the Treaty concluded at Paris, on the 11th of April, 1814, between the Allied Powers and the emperor Napoleon, together with the accession of the British Government thereto. Ordered accordingly.

investigate the accounts respecting the Civil List; and also, whether it was intended to invest such committee with the power of sending for persons, papers, and records, with a view to enable that committee to make a proper and satisfactory report?

The Chancellor of the Exchequer replied, that it was his intention in a day or two to move for the appointment of a committee, upon the subject alluded to, but he could not admit the propriety of deviating from the usual practice on such occasions.

Mr. Tierney then gave notice of his intention to move on Friday se'nnight, to refer the Civil List accounts to a committee, and to invest such committee with a power to send for persons, papers, and records, with a view to ascertain how the enormous expenses and debts, which these accounts stated, had been accumulated.

HOUSE OF LORDS.
Thursday, April 6.

PRINCE REGENT'S MESSAGE RELATING TO THE EVENTS IN FRANCE.] The Earl of Liverpool presented a Message from his royal highness the Prince Regent, relative to the proceedings adopted by his Majesty's Government in consequence of the events that have recently taken place in France. [For a copy of the Message, see the proceedings of the Commons of this day.] The Message having been read, it was ordered, on the motion of the earl of Liverpool, to be taken into consideration

to-morrow.

Earl Grey asked, what part of the engagements entered into with the allied Powers at Paris had been violated, and were referred to in the Message as having been violated?

The Earl of Liverpool said, that the events which had recently occurred had, as he should explain to-morrow, violated all the engagements concluded at the time alluded to, as well the Treaty concluded at Paris on the 31st of May, as that concluded at Fontainbleau on the 11th of April.,

Earl Grey said, that no communication had been made to the House of the Treaty of Fontainbleau. Some articles certainly had been communicated, but they were not such of the articles as could be conCIVIL LIST.] Mr. Tierney asked, whe-ceived to have been violated by the recent ther it was the intention of the right hon. occurrences. If, therefore, it was com gentleman to move for a committee to plained that any of the articles of the

Treaty of Fontainbleau had been violated, it was necessary that they should be produced before the House could come to any opinion on the subject. No one lamented more sincerely than he did the necessity which had called for a communication from the Crown; and no one, he could assure the House, was more sensible than he was of the danger threatened by the events alluded to in the Message. Those events were most ruinous, and placed the country in a situation in which the greatest precautions were necessary; and looking at the two points contained in the Message simply and by themselves, they would meet with his approbation. As he understood the terms of the Address, in consequence of the recent events in France, the Prince Regent had been advised to augment his forces by sea and land. No one, he thought, could doubt that such a step was most advisable under all the circumstances of the present crisis. It was stated, in the next place, that his Royal Highness had taken measures to produce the most intimate concert with his allies, the object of which was to be the permanent security of Europe. A good object, undoubtedly, and the means, too, were such as could alone produce such an end. Of these two measures mentioned in the Message, very different opinions might be expressed, according to the views taken of them. He approved of them on a defensive principle merely, and as the means of preserving peace, supposing peace might be preserved, consistently with good faith to our Allies. If that good faith could be preserved while we remained at peace; a war, he thought, should not be resorted to. That, however, was not the time to press that opinion upon their lordships: he should leave that point for the discussion of to-morrow, and he would consent to leave it for discussion at some future time, when they might be in possession of all the necessary information, provided the Address did not pledge the House to any opinion, that the two steps which had been taken, (viz. the augmentation of forces, and the taking measures to produce concert in the alliance) were proper, with a view to a declaration of war against the present ruler of France. With this inclination to a pacific policy, he was most unwilling that the House should be pressed to give any opinion as to the propriety of war or peace. Those who might be inclined to an opposite policy had, he thought, still stronger

reasons for avoiding such an expression of opinion on the part of the House; but his Majesty's ministers, of all men, should be the most desirous not to come to any premature declaration, and to avoid provoking discussion, in which conflicting opinions might be expressed, which could not fail to be detrimental to whatever line of policy it might be found expedient to pursue. Before any opinion was given on this subject, it was most material that they should have information, which it was impossible they could now possess. The time had been too short, the accounts too contradictory, the narrators too deeply interested, to enable their lordships to form a correct idea of the internal state of France. Before they expressed an opinion which might place the nation in a state of war, it was most important to be acquainted with the feeling of our Allies on the subject. Now, there had been no opportunity for us to receive accounts from Vienna, of a date subsequent to the time when intelligence was first received of the events which had put the present ruler of France in possession of the supreme authority in the capital of that country. He should not at that time express his feelings respecting the paper which purported to be a Declaration of the allied Powers, lest he might throw an obstacle, by premature discussion, in the way of any explanation which might hereafter be given of this document. But it was impossible that the feelings of the Allies, under the present circumstances, could have been yet ascertained; and it was most necessary that they should be ascertained, before a question of such importance as that of peace or war should be decided upon. The measures which were communicated in the Message, left that question entirely open; and if the Address went to approve simply of those measures, and no farther, he should not oppose it. If, however, contrary to his just expectations, and his ardent wishes, the Address which was to be proposed, should commit their lordships to a declaration of hostilities, if the Allies were found willing to consent to such a course, he should feel it his duty to dissent from it. He had thought it right to trespass thus far upon their lordships' attention, wishing to come to an early understanding on the subject, and not with any view to premature discussion; and he earnestly hoped that it would be unnecessary for him to offer any opposition to the Address.

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